At a rally outside the Chinese Consulate in San Francisco commemorating the Tibetan hero Loga Rangzen, a young Han Chinese man shaved his head in public. His name is Sheng Hu. Originally from Kaifeng, Henan Province, he is in his30s and worked as a factory worker in China. He arrived in the United States less than two years ago and now washes dishes and does odd jobs at a Chinese restaurant in San Jose.

That day, he asked his boss for 2 hours off and drove from San Jose to San Francisco. As soon as the rally ended, he returned to work washing dishes.

After he shaved his head, insults poured in online. Some called him a “traitor to the Han people.” Others called him a “descendant of slave owners.” Still others insisted that he “couldn’t speak a word of Chinese.” Why would an ordinary Han Chinese man shave his head for Tibetans? Lhasa Spring sat down with him for an extended conversation.

Watch the interview in mandarin

The following interview has been edited and abridged. Questions are from Lhasa Spring; answers are from Sheng Hu.

“In China, I Knew Next to Nothing About Tibet”

Q: When you lived in China, how much did you know about Tibet?

Sheng: Very little. You could say I knew next to nothing. Most of what I knew came from the evening news: the Tibetan people had been liberated, freed from the so-called serfdom system, and were all living good lives. Then there were the Chinese Communist Party’s overseas propaganda videos and foreign influencers interviewing Tibetans, showing spotless homes and spotless monasteries.

What taught me more was a novel, The Tibet Code, by He Ma. The author said he had consulted more than three hundred books. It covered everything from the Tibetan Empire during the Tang dynasty to the period before the exile—religion, geography, groundwater resources, every detail. It seemed like an encyclopedia of Tibet. After that, Tibet became a place of mystery in my mind.

Q: What other things did you hear online?

Sheng: The most common claim was that “Tibetans don’t bathe”—that they bathe only twice in their lives, once when they get married and once on another occasion. People also said they wore the same Tibetan robe all year without changing it, and that the strong ultraviolet radiation made their skin dark with a reddish hue. The image promoted by the Communist Party was basically a little girl with dark skin, wearing a worn-out Tibetan robe and herding sheep on an endless grassland.

As for Tibetan independence, all people knew was this: the Dalai Lama represented the government-in-exile; he was a Tibetan separatist, and he was always trying from abroad to overthrow the CCP and make Tibet independent. That was about the extent of the information we had.

A Turning Point: Why Would a Girl Be Charged with “Inciting separatism”?

Q: What eventually made you start paying attention to Tibet?

Sheng: It was Zhang Yadi’s case. The first pro-democracy event I ever attended was in support of Zhang Yadi and Peng Lifa, who had called for “We want freedom, not COVID tests.” I happened to be holding a sign for Zhang Yadi that day. Your first time always leaves a strong impression.

I was curious: how could a young woman be charged with “Inciting separatism”? What had she written or said? So I went to her Twitter account and read about her experiences. At first, I only knew she had participated in the White Paper protests on the streets of Paris. Later, I learned that she had worked as an editor for Chinese Youth Stand for Tibet and published articles there. My personal view is that her arrest had more to do with her work at Chinese Youth Stand for Tibet. That was when I really began paying attention to Tibet.

Q: How did you see the Tibet issue at that point?

Sheng: When I first left China, I was like most Han Chinese people. Within the framework of a unified nation, it seemed perfectly natural that we should rule you and that you had no right to resist. Assimilating you, preventing you from speaking your own language, making you speak Mandarin—I didn’t see anything wrong with that. That was what our textbooks had taught us since childhood: Qin Shi Huang unified the six kingdoms, standardized the widths of carriage axles and the written script. (车同轨、书同文) Anyone who expanded the territory was a hero; anyone who lost an inch of land was a traitor.

Q: But China was also invaded by Japan. Had you ever thought about the connection between that and Tibet?

Sheng: Never. Many people in China watch those exaggerated anti-Japanese war dramas and see themselves as victims: Japan invaded us, so we had to resist. But I had never connected that to Tibet.

“If There Had Been Plenty of Han Chinese People, I Wouldn’t Have Shaved My Head”

Q: Few ordinary Han Chinese people are willing to hold signs or chant slogans for Tibetans. Why did you not only attend, but also shave your head?

Sheng: Honestly, I didn’t start out with such a strong intention. Beforehand, I asked you whether many Han Chinese people would be there. If there were plenty, I wasn’t going to take part in the head-shaving. I would just give a speech and express my views.

But when I arrived, apart from me, only one other person from the China Democracy Party was there. There were also members of a Tibet solidarity group, but almost all of them were fully covered up, wearing sunglasses and hiding their faces. Only two of us were willing to appear under our real names and show our faces. I asked the other man whether he wanted to shave his head with me, but he just took some photos to show he had been there and left. Oh, hee was holding a photograph of His Holiness the Dalai Lama.

Q: Yeah, I asked him why he had printed that photograph. He said it was mainly because he was afraid Tibetans might see him and hit him, and that holding a picture of His Holiness would make them accept him. Many people gave him a thumbs-up that day and took photos with him.

Sheng: Whatever his motive was, simply thinking of bringing a photograph of His Holiness put him ahead of 95 percent of Han Chinese people. At least I hadn’t thought of doing that myself.

Q: Why?

Sheng: Because everyone knows how sensitive a photograph of His Holiness is. You could curse Xi Jinping a hundred times outside the consulate or hold up a protest sign a hundred times, and perhaps no one would come after you. But once you touch issues like Tibet or Xinjiang, it’s a different story.

“Han Chinese People Really Do Have a Conqueror’s Mindset Toward Tibetans”

Q: Did you have any contact with Tibetans or people from Xinjiang when you lived in China?

Sheng: No. But anyone—even someone who cannot read and has no particular opinions—knows that Xinjiang and Tibet are subjects you must not touch. My parents didn’t even finish primary school. They learned a few characters in literacy classes. But whenever I mentioned going to Tibet for work or travel, they would wave their hands and shake their heads: “Don’t go. And don’t associate with Tibetans.”

When I worked in factories, many places put up recruitment notices saying, “The quota of five ethnic minority workers has been filled.” They put up the sign before they had even started hiring. These are things I experienced firsthand during more than 30 years of living in China.

Q: How do you see Han Chinese attitudes toward Tibetans?

Sheng: Honestly, Han Chinese people really do have a conqueror’s mindset toward Tibetans, including ordinary people. You are the conquered. You will forever be part of my country’s territory. You deserve whatever happens to you. I can treat you however I want because I have already conquered you. Many people just don’t say it as openly as I do.

Take the unrest in Xinjiang. Many people treated it as casual conversation: “See? Those people in Xinjiang just needed to be put in their place. They’re not making trouble anymore, are they?” That is Han chauvinism.

Q: So you understand why Tibetans are distrustful?

Sheng: Completely. I understand why Tibetans distrust Han Chinese people, why they don’t want to speak Chinese and see it as the language of an invader, and why many do not accept the Middle Way Approach. They feel that no matter who comes to power—even so-called democracy advocates—they will still be in the position of the conquered. I want to tell them: you are right in your assessment.

I don’t support secession, but apart from that, I deeply understand, support, and respect everything they do. Their understanding is accurate. It does not come from hatred.

Unable to Return Home

Q: You don’t know much about Tibet. Why were you still so determined to shave your head and show your support?

Sheng: I want to test what I think I know through real contact, instead of relying only on the media and books. I wanted to get closer to them, but most of them didn’t speak Chinese. I could only try to connect through their songs and sing along with everyone. That day, I wrote four Chinese characters: “Unable to return home. 故土难回 ”

Sheng: I’ve always felt that, whether we are talking about the Middle Way or independence, neither matters more than exiled Tibetans being able to return to their homeland. I have a very naïve dream: if President Trump could help arrange for His Holiness the Dalai Lama to take some people back to China—even for just seven or ten days—to return to Tibet itself, with each person taking a handful of soil or filling a bottle with water, I think that would answer the deepest longing in the heart of every Tibetan in exile.

The authorities could have state security officers accompany them the whole time, and even bring along foreign journalists. His Holiness is a very wise person. He would not say anything that crossed the Communist Party’s red lines, and he wouldn’t need to. All he would have to do is stand on that land and cup some water from his homeland in his hands. That one image would be enough. I believe it could only benefit the CCP’s governance of Tibet.

Q: Why do you think returning to that land matters so much?

Sheng: In my limited understanding, Tibet is a very special place. Only in such a distinctive environment could such a unique religious tradition and cultural heritage have developed. Once removed from that soil, it will die, like a transplanted plant.

“Atoning on Behalf of Han Chinese People”

Q: What did your friends think about you shaving your head?

Sheng: They didn’t understand. Some joked, just like people online, that I was trying to save money on haircuts. Even many of my friends who also oppose the CCP—I don’t think they understood either.

Q: What was your deepest motivation?

Sheng: I finally remembered what I most wanted to express that day but never managed to say. I don’t want to speak for all Han Chinese people, but I think what Tibetans say about us—or what you might call “original sin”—is real. As a Han Chinese person, I wanted to express a feeling of atonement on behalf of Han Chinese people, to say to Tibetans: we are sorry.

I am a Christian, and I acknowledge that I am a sinner. Perhaps that is why I approach this more from the perspective of atonement. Even if people call me a traitor to the Han people, I have done what I most wanted to do. Through these actions, I hope to awaken more Han Chinese people to the Tibet issue, and to show friends in Tibetan areas inside China that we can speak out courageously against injustice.

Q: Why do you think influencing Han Chinese people is so important?

Sheng: Tibetan friends are often reluctant to associate with Han Chinese people. They want to achieve their goals on their own, whether that means independence or the Middle Way. In my view, that is not realistic. Whether or not the Communist Party falls, this country will ultimately be dominated by Han Chinese people. Officials will grow old, and the next generation of police chiefs will come from the younger generation of Han Chinese people. They won’t be Uyghurs, much less Tibetans or Mongols. Whether you agree with it or not, that is the reality.

So awakening more Han Chinese people, helping them break free of the CCP’s narrative and truly understand Tibetans’ experiences and circumstances—that is the foundation for a lasting resolution of the Tibet issue.

The Middle Way and Dialogue Overseas

Q: What is your own position?

Sheng: I have never advocated independence for any ethnic group. I strongly agree with His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s Middle Way Approach. I think it is relatively feasible, and I hope Tibetan friends can embrace it wholeheartedly.

Inside China, this kind of dialogue is the most forbidden of forbidden subjects. It simply cannot happen. The one thing we can do overseas is begin building common ground: Tibetan friends can share their advanced experience in organizing and communications, and build greater solidarity with so-called dissidents and democracy advocates. It is like the two-track approach proposed by Wang Dan: dialogue with those in power, alongside dialogue with dissidents and democracy advocates overseas. I think that could serve as a model.

Sheng: One last thing I want to share is some people challenge me. “If Tibet becomes independent, would you want to take South Tibet back from India?” The government-in-exile relies heavily on India’s support, so that is indeed a difficult question. But my view is that even if Tibet became a country, it would not be able to reclaim South Tibet. It would only become harder; it might not even be able to raise the issue. Of course, I could be wrong.

That day, Sheng Hu had prepared a speech. But because most of the Tibetan present could not understand Chinese, and he himself could not speak English, he ultimately did not deliver it. After facing attacks online, he decided to revise the speech and publish it, hoping Tibetan friends would come to know him as he really is.

In it, he wrote:

“True strength has never come from erasing other peoples’ languages, faiths, or the ways of life they choose for themselves. Nor does true unity come from fear and assimilation.”

His speech ended with these words:

“Though a firefly’s light is faint, it dares to shine alongside the radiant moon.”

Producer：Ginger Duan

在旧金山中国领事馆前纪念藏人英雄洛嘎让赞的集会上，一个汉人青年当众剃光了头。他叫盛虎，来自河南开封，三十多岁，在国内做工人。他来美国不到两年，如今在圣荷西一家中餐馆洗碗打零工。

那天他向老板请了两个小时假，从圣荷西开车赶到旧金山。活动一结束，他又回去打工的餐厅，继续洗碗。

削发之后，网上骂声不断：有人说他是“汉奸”，有人说他是“奴隶主后代”，还有人断定他“一句中文都不会说”。一个普通汉人，为什么要为藏人削发？拉萨之春与他进行了长谈。

（以下问答经整理删节，“问”为拉萨之春，“盛”为盛虎。）

“在国内，我对西藏可以说一无所知”

问：你在中国的时候，对西藏了解多少？

盛： 非常浅薄，可以说一无所知。主要是从《新闻联播》里知道一点：西藏人民被解放了，摆脱了所谓的农奴制度，大家都过上了好日子。再就是中共的外宣片，还有外国网红采访藏人，拍得家里一尘不染，寺庙也一尘不染。

我了解得更多的是一部小说：《藏地密码》，作者是何马。作者说他查阅了三百多本书，从唐朝吐蕃一直写到流亡之前，宗教、地形、地下水资源，事无巨细，就像一部西藏百科全书。从那以后，西藏在我心里就很神秘。

问：网上还有别的说法吗？

盛： 最常见的就是“藏人不洗澡”，说一辈子只洗两次，结婚一次，另外一次。还说他们常年穿一件藏袍不换，紫外线强，所以皮肤黑里透红。共产党宣传的形象，基本就是一个黑黑的小女孩，穿着破旧的藏袍，在一望无际的草原上放羊。

至于藏独，大家知道的也就是：达赖喇嘛是流亡政府，是藏独分子，一直在国外想推翻中共、让西藏独立。信息就这么多。

转折：一个女孩为什么会被控“分裂国家”

问：后来是什么让你开始关注西藏？

盛： 是张雅笛的案子。那是我人生中第一次参加民主活动，声援张雅笛和提出“不要核酸要自由”的彭立发。那天我举的正好是张雅笛的牌子，第一次总是印象深刻。

我很好奇：一个年轻女孩，怎么会被控“分裂国家”？她到底写了什么、说了什么？我就去看她的推特，了解一下她的经历。一开始我只知道她参加过巴黎街头的白纸运动，后来才知道她在挺藏会做编辑、发表文章。我个人判断，她被抓更多是因为在拉萨之春的经历。从那以后，我才真正开始关注西藏。

问：那时你怎么看西藏问题？

盛： 刚出国的时候，我和大多数汉人一样。在大一统的框架下，你被统治是天经地义的，不能反抗。同化你、不让你说自己的语言、让你说普通话，我觉得没什么不对。我们从小的课本就是这样教的：秦始皇统一六国，车同轨、书同文；开疆拓土是英雄，丢一寸土地就是汉奸。

问：可中国也被日本侵略过，你没想过这两者的联系吗？

盛： 完全没有。国内很多人看抗日神剧，都觉得自己是受害者，日本侵略了我们，我们要反抗。但我从来没把这件事和西藏联系起来。

“如果汉人很多，我就不削发了”

问：普通汉人愿意为藏人举牌、喊口号的很少，你为什么不仅来了，还削了发？

盛： 说实话，一开始我没有那么强的动机。我事先问过你们，那天去的汉人多不多。如果汉人很多，我就不参加削发，只做演讲、表达观点。

结果到了现场，除了我，只有一个人同样来自民主党。还有挺藏会的成员，但基本都全副武装，戴着墨镜遮着脸。愿意用真名、真面目出现的汉人，只有我们两个。我问他要不要和我一起削发，他只是拍照打卡就走了。他举了一张达赖喇嘛尊者的照片。

问： 我问过他为什么打印那张照片。他说主要是怕藏人看到他会打他，举着尊者的照片，藏人就会接纳他。那天很多人给他竖大拇指，和他合影。

盛：不管他的动机是什么，能想到带尊者的照片，他已经超过了 95% 的汉人。至少我自己当时没有这个意识。

问：为什么这么说？

盛： 因为大家都知道尊者的照片非常敏感。你在领馆门口骂一百遍习近平、举一百次牌子，可能都没人找你；但一碰西藏、新疆这些问题，就不一样了。

“汉人对藏人确实有征服者的心态”

问：你在国内接触过藏人或新疆人吗？

盛： 没有。但任何人，哪怕不识字、没有任何观点，都知道新疆、西藏是不能碰的。我父母连小学都没读完，只在扫盲班认了几个字，可一说到去西藏打工或旅游，他们就摆手摇头：“别去，也别跟藏人来往。”我在工厂打工时，很多地方招工直接贴出来：五个少数民族名额已满。人还没招，先把牌子挂出来。这是我在中国生活三十多年的亲身感受。

问：你怎么看汉人对藏人的态度？

盛： 说实话，汉人对藏人确实有一种征服者的心态，普通老百姓也是。你是被征服者，你永远是我国家的一块土地；你活该，我怎么对你都可以，因为我已经征服了你。很多人只是不会像我这样把话说出来。

像新疆骚乱，很多人拿来当茶余饭后的谈资：“你看，新疆人不就是欠收拾吗？现在不闹了吧？”这就是大汉族主义。

问：所以你能理解藏人的不信任？

盛： 完全理解。为什么藏人不信任汉人，为什么不愿意说汉语、把它当作侵略者的语言，为什么很多人不接受中间道路，因为他们觉得无论谁上台，哪怕是所谓的民主人士，你还是处在被征服者的位置。我想告诉他们：你们的判断是对的。

我不支持分裂，但除此之外，我对他们的一切行动都表示深深的理解、支持和尊重。他们的认识是准确的，并非出于仇恨。

故土难回

问：你对西藏了解不多，为什么还这么坚定地去削发、去加油？

盛： 我想通过真实的接触，去验证我所知道的，而不是只靠媒体和书本。我想靠近他们，可他们大多说不汉语，我只能通过歌声去感受，和大家一起唱。那天我写了四个字：故土难回。

盛： 我一直觉得，不管是中间道路还是独立，都比不上流亡藏人重返故土。我有一个很天真的想象：如果川普总统能促成达赖喇嘛尊者带一些人回中国，哪怕只有七天、十天，回到真正的西藏，每人捧一把土，或者装一瓶水，我想这是每个流亡藏人心底最真实的渴望。

你可以全程派国安人员跟着，甚至带上外国记者。尊者是很有智慧的人，不会说任何触碰共产党红线的言论，也不需要说。他只要站在那片土地上，捧起一捧家乡的水，这一个画面就够了。我相信这只会对中共治理西藏有好处。

问：你为什么觉得回到那片土地如此重要？

盛： 在我浅薄的理解里，西藏很特殊。只有在那样独特的环境里，才会孕育出世界上如此独特的宗教信仰和文化传承。离开那片土壤，它就会死亡，就像被移植的植物一样。

“替汉人赎罪”

问：身边的朋友怎么看你削发？

盛： 不理解。有人像网友一样开玩笑，说我是为了省理发钱。包括很多一起反共的朋友，我觉得他们也不理解。

问：那你最真实的动机是什么？

盛： 我终于想起来那天最想表达、却没有说出来的话了。我不想代表所有汉人，但我觉得藏人对汉人的那种说法，或者说“原罪”，是真实存在的。我想以一个汉人的身份，表达一种替汉人赎罪的心情，替汉人向藏人说一声对不起。

我是基督徒，我承认自己是一个罪人。也许正因为这样，我更多是从赎罪的角度出发。哪怕被骂汉奸，我也做了我最想做的事。我希望通过这些行动唤醒更多汉人关注西藏问题，也让国内藏区的朋友看到：面对不公，可以勇敢发声。

问：为什么你觉得影响汉人这么重要？

盛： 藏人朋友不太愿意和汉人来往，想靠自己实现目标，无论是独立还是中间道路。在我看来这不现实。因为无论共产党倒不倒，这个国家终究由汉人主导。官员会老去，新一代的警察局长也都会来自年轻一代的汉人，不会是维吾尔人，更不会是藏人或蒙古人。不管你同不同意，这是客观现实。

所以唤醒更多汉人，让他们不被中共的叙事左右，真正了解藏人的经历和处境，才是永久解决西藏问题的根本。

中间道路与海外对话

问：你自己的立场是什么？

盛： 我从不主张任何民族独立。我非常认同达赖喇嘛尊者的中间道路，觉得它比较可行，也希望藏人朋友能从心底接受。

在国内，这种对话是禁忌中的禁忌，不可能发生。我们在海外唯一能做的，就是先建立共识：藏人朋友分享他们先进的组织和传播经验，与所谓的民主人士更多地团结起来。就像王丹老师提出的双轨制，既要和当权者对话，也要和海外异见人士、民主人士对话。我觉得这可以成为一个范本。

问：有人拿藏南问题反问你，你怎么回答？

盛： 我没有回答。对方问：“如果西藏独立，你要不要从印度手里拿回藏南？”流亡政府主要靠印度支持，这确实是个难题。但我的看法是，就算西藏成了一个国家，也不可能拿回藏南，只会更难，连提都没法提。当然，我也可能是错的。

那天，盛虎准备了一篇演讲稿。考虑到现场的藏人朋友大多听不懂汉语，他自己也不会说英语，最终未能当众宣读。事后面对网上的攻击，他决定把演讲稿修订后公开发表，希望藏人朋友能认识真实的他。

他在稿中写道：“真正的强大，从来不是靠抹去其他民族的语言、信仰和他们自己选择的生活方式；真正的统一，更不是靠恐惧与同化。”

演讲稿件的最后一句是：“萤光虽微，敢与皓月争辉。”

采编：Ginger Duan

当过书记的藏人

西索村的中秋夜。很久没见过这么明亮的月光了。

藏族民居客厅里电视正播放“天涯共此时”中秋晚会。我来到厨房和这家主人聊天。他68岁，退休的乡党委书记。祖辈曾是旁边卓克基土司的佣人，儿子是州某局副局长，一个孙子是交警。进入民居时跟在后面的那辆警车就是他孙子开的。

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你信佛教吗？信。他回答时略有迟疑。

在阿坝，这本来不该是个问题。

可这家人有着特殊身份。厨房神龛里供奉着不知名的活佛，二楼走廊的角落张贴着一张图画，上面有四代中共领袖和当今中共中央九常委的头像。听说近年来当地政府推行领袖进寺庙。但只有这里才看见了传说中的领袖像。

你信仰达赖喇嘛吗？

我们信班禅。他是一个很好的人。我当书记的时候，曾在这里接待过他。

当地很多人家里有达赖喇嘛的像，你们家有吗？

我们家没有。是不信吗？不是。就是没有。是担心什么吗？就是没有。面对我不礼貌的追问，他回答的声音越来越小。

色达有很多很多庙子。那是一个神奇的地方。在我们聊土司的时候，他提到了色达。他说，太太亲眼看见过，天葬台上，一个活佛呼唤六只秃鹫，果然就来了六只，太神奇了，他摇摇头说。

他有一张高原特有的沧桑的脸。满脸皱纹，更有一种难以言说的复杂。他的太太和他同龄，典型的藏族老婆婆形象。满脸善良的她一直沉默着。

他是藏人。可是对于当地藏人来说，他却代表着异族的统治。这是一个尴尬的群体，背后有着一个流传已久的“翻身农奴做主人的”神话。从前是卓克基统治，后来轮到他们。依然是少数人的统治。

他们这一代人受过多年的唯物主义教育。可他毕竟属于这片土地，最后仍然相信那些神秘的传说。现代文明洪流中，那些神秘本会渐渐远去。

可是一个为自由而抗争的民族，他们宁愿回到过去。

阿坝的路上

我没有选择色达。我想去看看没有游客穿梭的真正的藏人生活。也想去看看一个叫郎卓的年轻人的家。

清晨，卓克基官寨还在沉睡。匆匆吃过汉族式早餐，到路边打一辆黑车，20元从卓克基到马尔康。

这是阿坝州的首府。317国道是县城几乎唯一的主干道，两边矗立着崭新的藏族风格建筑。但这风格只是外表。除了每一个窗户外都画着上窄下宽的藏地纹饰外，其实质量、内部结构甚至崛起的速度都和内地楼房一样。

几乎每个藏区都能看到这样崭新崛起的小城。就像丽江北部的中甸。这大概是2008年3·14事件之后新一轮发展。

马尔康到壤塘直达的班车已经走了。到几十公里外的观音桥转车。司机憨厚地笑笑，热心帮助联系从金川去壤塘的班车。

和旅游区不同，班车同行的几乎都是藏人。但大约只有一半穿藏服。其中大概20人来自青海果洛，专程去朝拜观音。一个年轻女孩穿牛仔裤，她说，高考没考好，读了中专，护理专业，现在壤塘医院“打工”。路边偶尔看到联通公司的大幅广告。一个身穿藏服皮肤黝黑的年轻男子打完手机冲我笑笑，不用问，有些凌乱的服饰说明他来自牧区。

他让我想到了十几年前，一次中途夭折的西藏之旅，曾路过阿坝。

翻过二郎山，辽阔的大草原赫然出现眼前。延绵到天际的不是绿色，而是一种复杂的棕色。这是花的海洋，密密麻麻混杂各种色彩，香气扑面而来。那时若尔盖还不是旅游区。肥硕的土拨鼠蹲在路边，两只小手垂在胸前，好奇地望着我们这辆破旧的大巴。

很幸运，客车坏在路上。我们欢呼着扑向遍地鲜花。一个藏族男子骑马从远处飞奔而来，他叫扎西，刚刚学会挣钱。乘客骑他的马拍照，问多少钱，伸出一个指头。经过复杂的沟通才知道，一块钱。

客车修好了，扎西挥着手策马狂奔送我们很远很远。那是记忆中永远的阿坝。

四川阿坝、青海果洛、甘肃甘南属于传统安多藏区。这里是汉藏民族交界地。1950年代“社会主义改造”期间曾发生过激烈矛盾。

我第一次走进这片高原是21年前。和兰大的同学来到夏河拉卜楞寺，认识一个汉语名字叫陈来的年轻喇嘛。记得他曾说他们的活佛忍辱负重，当时民族矛盾已经出现，但大体还算祥和。如今，不幸的消息常常传来。

我的邻座是一位年轻的喇嘛。他来自红原县的一个寺庙，到马尔康送母亲看病，顺便来这里参拜观音。他说他不恨汉人，他见过很多很好的汉人，他欢迎我去他们寺庙玩。

城市、道路、医院延伸到这遥远的峡谷和草原。延伸到古老的寺庙。延伸来的还有大幅标语。路过一个检查站，上方横着一幅红色条幅：“维稳处突一马当先”。

乘客们表情漠然。年轻的喇嘛说，他最讨厌拿枪的，一边用手比划着枪的样子。

这是一个现代化的故事，漫长曲折的路，古老文明的痛苦蜕变。

这种痛苦在每一寸土地上你都能感受到。

你们恨汉人吗

壤塘是阿坝州的一个县。这片6000多平方公里的高原和峡谷，散落着3万多藏人。县城像内陆地区的一个小镇。两条街道最大的门面是政府部门，其他是一些小饭馆、小卖部。这里每天只有四班分别去成都、马尔康、阿坝县和金川县的公共汽车。壤塘最大的寺庙在中壤塘乡，在县城东面大约五十多公里的坝子里。

午饭在一家四川面馆。主人是来自绵阳的汉族人。像拉萨一样，这里做生意的大多是来自四川的汉族人。外地人在这里挣钱过上富裕生活，本地人不熟悉市场，选择回到过去回到精神世界，却又在物欲诱惑中纠结。这是314事件的一部分。

对面两位年轻女孩穿着现代风格的衣服。他们一个是藏族，一个汉族，都来自松潘县，去年刚大学毕业，考公务员，分到壤塘县委组织部。这个国庆节他们不放假，这是阿坝紧张形势的一部分。

去中壤塘的岔路口，等到了一个崭新的长安小轿车。两个年轻的藏人要回南木达乡，问顺便送我去中壤塘多少钱。司机认真想了一下，说100元。因为修路，要等到下午七点才能通行，接下来是漫长的等待。

冰雹打在车玻璃上，天空飘着凌乱的雪花和雨滴。司机叫索南，今年24岁。小汽车是几天前刚从成都买来的，准备干点事，还没想好做什么。

你们信仰藏传佛教吗？信。他拿出挂在胸前的画像，知道吗，这是谁？知道，是达赖喇嘛。

你们都信他吗？当然，他是真正的活佛。虔诚写在脸上。

你们恨汉人吗？

有好人有坏人吧，他犹豫了一下说。

对不起，我一遍一遍问，你们恨汉人吗。因为那个叫郎卓的年轻人在遗言中用了一个词——“汉魔”。

你们知道有藏人自焚吗，把自己点燃？我终于问出了这个问题。

哦，知道。能不能带我去看一下自焚者的家人，一个叫郎卓的18岁的年轻人，他自焚时留下了遗言……我想见见他的父母……表达一个汉族人的……难过。

他们有些诧异，接下来更为友善。可以，那个地方我去过，很多藏人都去过，那些天他死去的路口搭起白色的帐篷。很多很多藏人，成百上千的人来到这里。给他家捐钱。后来，藏人们响应他的呼吁，把刀剑交给寺庙焚毁，发誓团结一致。我家里有焚毁刀剑的照片。

是的，他是我们的英雄。

谢谢，你们居然这么信任我。

出了县城是草原。路边还有零星的积雪，金色的阳光洒向远方舒缓的山坡、成群的牦牛，小屋升起淡淡的炊烟。

愤怒的夜

到中壤塘，天已经完全黑了。月亮躲在大山和乌云背后。

在一处灯光前，索南下车询问路边的中年男子，那人摆了摆手。问几个路人，也都摇头。在一个路口，索南问两名骑摩托车的男子，他们似乎发生了争吵，一个路过的喇嘛来到车窗前审视着我。他们似乎很不愉快地谈了很长时间。

索南回到车上，说，很对不起，他们骂我不该带你到这里来。

又过来一辆小面包车，跳下来两个男子，看得出他们在愤怒地指责索南。恐惧和敌意像夜幕一样笼罩这片土地。我不知道我们算不算逃离了这愤怒之地。一路上沉默。

离开了中壤塘。索南忽然说，你知道吗？我们是藏人，信佛，可是我们去不了拉萨。

我知道。

藏民进拉萨需要审查批准。那是一个民族的圣地。很多年前在格尔木我曾看到磕长头去拉萨的虔诚信徒。可如今他们朝圣的自由也被剥夺了，去年拉萨发生自焚事件之后。

索南可能还不知道的是，一个藏人或者维族人到内地任何一个地方，只要一出示身份证，就会被警察另眼相待。连住宾馆都越来越难了。

他们有理由不相信我这个汉人。

这个夜晚，南木达乡一个叫“彭州饭店”的小小旅馆里，窗外又下起淅淅沥沥的小雨。我在床上辗转反侧，高原反应有点头痛，我在想，明天，我去哪里？

真后悔不该让索南问路，我应该直接面对愤怒的人们。

除了爱与真诚，还有什么能化解这历史的仇怨？

清晨的河谷

清晨的河谷。白云，阳光，清新的草地，轻轻摇曳的经幡，宏伟的寺庙金色穹顶指向湛蓝的天空。

第二天这美丽的秋日，我再次来到中壤塘。这片为信仰而牺牲的土地，天空飘荡着诵经的咪犘音。

我谦卑地望着殿堂里上早课的红衣喇嘛们，像一个偷窥校园的孩童。等到一个路过去打水的喇嘛，他看起来不到二十岁，认真地把我带到旁边殿堂里的一个角落，一个中年喇嘛盘腿而坐。问我有郎卓的照片吗，抱歉，没带，那没办法。一个十几岁的喇嘛说，佛学二年级好像有一个叫郎卓的，问了二年级好几个人，确认没有自焚者。问路人，有的说不知道有的摇摇头。

一位在此修行的藏族老妈妈带我去她租住的小屋，端上奶茶，抱歉，我得去找他。她带我来到大寺旁边另一座正在建筑的寺庙工地，还是没找到。网上说他是学生，来到大寺旁边的中壤塘小学，里面驻满穿迷彩服的军人。问端着枪守门的军人，中学在哪里，他建议去旁边挂国旗的院子看看是不是。问路人，确认这里没有中学。

就要离开了。

白天通往县城的道路只有中午十二点到一点间通行。

阿坝盛满忧郁的天空下，小河边一排白杨涂满金色的秋叶，一片年少的红衣喇嘛在野地里练习。我不情愿地上了车，想要记下中壤塘这最后一幕。

此刻我如此失落。

他是为和平而死

我默默祈祷上天帮助这个国家。

走出几百米路过一个民居聚集的小山坡，我央求司机再等我一会儿，最多半小时。

路边小卖部，店主面对我的问题有些迟疑。我诚恳地说，对不起，我真的不愿就这样离开。

他终于说，郎卓家就在旁边老学校背后。

山坡上，一对老年夫妇手指不远处一户人家，那就是。他是一个很好的孩子，年老的阿妈说。

这是一个很像甘肃农村的小院。房屋和院子的墙壁都是泥土包裹，三间房屋，院子的铁门紧锁。不同的是一边墙外树立着五个高大的经幡，是这片村落里最高的。

我在院门前低头祈祷，郎卓，爱你。

想象着一对慈祥的老人打开院门接受我跪下。但也许，他们会像很多年前拉萨天葬台上的老婆婆一样愤怒地赶我走。我不会离开，我会默默忍受一切，无论打我骂我无论对我做什么，我都会默默忍受。然后告诉他们，对不起，我真的很难过，这片美丽的高原我曾来过多次……

中年的卓姆和不到十岁的小男孩索让路过这里。卓姆说，她见过郎卓，他是中壤塘最帅的小伙子，他的父母在远方的牛场，他从小也在牧区长大。有时能看见他骑摩托车在这里来来回回。

那一天，他穿着新衣服，全身都是新的。洗了澡，干干净净。在路口附近的理发店理完发，戴上眼镜，问别人，我帅不帅，帅不帅？然后他来到路口，他就……

我不恨汉人，我们是一个爱好和平的民族，宁愿自己受苦……

他是为和平而死，旁边的索让说，烧的时候他双手合起来举过头顶，跪下，站起来举过头顶，再跪下，反复六次。

我们爱你

他才18岁。照片上这张年轻帅气的脸，双眼浸满一个民族的忧伤。2012年2月19日中午，郎卓在中壤塘乡大寺前的路口自焚。他在遗书中说：“为恩惠无量的藏人，我将点燃躯体……祈愿藏民族脱离汉魔。在汉人魔掌下藏人非常痛苦，这痛苦难以忍受……”

这高原之地，到处是没有伤痕的折磨。

我爱这片土地，多么希望她永远留在中国版图内，可我分明感受到了人心的离散。三年来这片土地上接连超过60个人自焚，从来没有哪个民族以如此惨烈的方式争取自由。

对不起，我有过太多太多的顾虑，这个国家有太多的禁忌不敢触及。我曾去过达兰萨拉，在藏人流亡政府的大门外驻足，但没有和他们联系。很多时候沉默。

对不起，我们沉默太久了。

我不知道怎样才能表达自己。拿出口袋里的500元钱给卓姆。对不起，请转给他父母，告诉他们一个汉族人来过，很难过。

郎卓，对不起。我曾经来过你的家，想告诉你和你的乡亲，我不是汉魔，我们不是魔鬼。东方那个古老的民族一样是受害者。那是一个被施了魔咒的民族，相互隔膜、内耗、仇恨和厮杀。

我们沉默太久了。可你的痛一直刺痛着我的心。通往自由的道路上，无论是高原、峡谷、河流、平川，无论东部西部日出日落之地，这是我们共有的土地，共有的家园。亦是我们共同的担当，共同的救赎。

郎卓，我们爱你。

许志永
2020年2月19日

朗卓写下的遗书(其实是一首诗）：

昂起你坚强的头，为朗卓之尊严。
我那厚恩的父母、亲爱的兄弟及亲属，我即将要离世。
为恩惠无量的藏人，我将点燃躯体。
藏民族的儿女们，我的希望就是，你们要团结一致。
若你是藏人要穿藏装，并要讲藏语，勿忘自己是藏人；
若是藏人要有慈悲之心，要爱戴父母，要民族团结，要怜悯旁生，珍惜动物生命。
祈愿（嘉瓦丹增嘉措）达赖喇嘛尊者永久住世。
祈愿雪域西藏的高僧大德们永久住世。
祈愿藏民族脱离汉魔。在汉人魔掌下藏人非常痛苦，这痛苦难以忍受。
此汉魔强占藏地，此汉魔强抓藏人，无法在其恶法下续留，无法容忍没有伤痕的折磨。
此汉魔无慈悲心，残害藏人生命。
祈愿（嘉瓦丹增嘉措）达赖喇嘛尊者永久住世！

相关链接：

「壤塘」阿坝州最后的秘境

看不见的西藏｜三位自焚藏人（朗卓、曲帕嘉、索南）的照片、遗书、遗嘱……

2003年的中壤塘卫星地图

编辑：GD

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On the early morning of August 26, deep in the Himalayas, a glacier fractured and plunged into the valley below, releasing energy equivalent to a magnitude-5.2 earthquake. Ice, rock, and meltwater crashed from the heights into the river valley, rapidly churning up sediment and boulders until it became a nearly unstoppable black torrent.

The torrent raced nearly 100 kilometers down the existing river channel toward the Tibet–Nepal border, burying the five-story customs building at Gyirong Port. The entire town of Gyirong was wiped off the map.

Before search and rescue had even ended, Party media had already given the disaster an uplifting theme. They turned the five characters “I love you, China” left on a mountainside into a symbol of the Chinese people’s “ambition, backbone, and confidence.” They planted the national flag on the ruins of the border gate at Gyirong Port. The red flag on the rubble became the center of the coverage; the people buried beneath the rubble and mud were nowhere to be seen.

Online, this shaping of the disaster’s meaning followed explicit political deployment. On September 1, Wang Junzheng, Party Secretary of the “Tibet Autonomous Region,” while directing rescue operations at the region’s emergency command center and stability-maintenance command center, stressed the need to “firmly grasp the initiative in public opinion work,” treating it as important than the rescue itself. As of September 7, the Chinese side had confirmed 43 dead and 519 missing on the Tibetan side, yet had published no list of the missing, the dead, or the rescued. In the eyes of the Party’s propaganda apparatus, guiding the public to be moved by patriotic symbols, to marvel at post-disaster resilience, to feel grateful for the Party’s rescue — even to watch how meals get cooked on the ruins — matters more than answering the anguish of the families of the missing.

Meanwhile, in the CCP’s telling, the mudslide is reduced to a purely natural disaster that originated on the Nepali side; Chinese state power appears only in the role of rescuer, while pre-disaster warnings, siting decisions, and the responsibilities of development are brushed aside in a single stroke.

Nature decides when the torrent comes. Policy decides whether people are standing in its path when it arrives.

Nature reported on September 2 that analysis of pre-disaster satellite imagery showed the ice-rock mass that collapsed had been visibly accelerating in the days before the event. Nor was this the first time danger had shown itself.

People working at Gyirong Port sensed it too. Yang Shizi, a 26-year-old border police officer, wrote to a friend in May 2026 with astonishing foresight of the disaster: “Every night I fall asleep to the surge of the river. Sometimes, when the rain lasts all night and the mountains roar and the valleys answer, I find myself thinking that perhaps one day a disaster will come, and I will sleep here forever.” He was from Yunnan; after university he passed the civil service exam and had only just taken up his post at Gyirong Port. He remains missing to this day.

In July 2025, Gyirong Port had already been through a similar disaster. A supraglacial lake that no standard inventory had identified suddenly drained; the flood destroyed the China–Nepal Friendship Bridge at the port and killed 11 people. Gyirong Port was closed from July 2025 until January 2026. It had been reopened for barely a few months when this August’s disaster destroyed it completely.

(July 2025: floodwaters destroy the China–Nepal Friendship Bridge at Gyirong Port)

As early as 2018, publicly available Chinese-language sources had already described, in plain terms, the risk chain forming across Tibet: a warming climate accelerates glacial melt; the ice thins and loses its former stability; glacial lakes expand in turn; ice avalanches, glacial-lake outburst floods, debris flows, and mountain torrents can link into a chain, carrying a change that begins deep in the high mountains to places tens or even hundreds of kilometers away.

(Glaciers retreating year by year. Source: Greenpeace)

The CCP is not unaware of these risks. Over the past decade, one disaster after another has turned the warnings into reality.

In 2016, two glaciers in the Aru range of Ngari collapsed wholesale within two months of each other; the massive flows of ice and snow killed nine people. In 2018, roughly 130 million cubic meters of glacier and debris broke away at Sedongpu in Nyingchi, damming the Yarlung Tsangpo for about 60 hours, raising upstream water levels by some 75 meters, inundating roads and power facilities, and forcing at least 6,000 residents to evacuate. Sedongpu has since seen repeated ice-rock avalanches, debris flows, and river blockages, including in 2021 and 2022.

In 2020, the Jinwuco glacial lake in Lhari County, Nagchu, burst its banks. Some 10 million cubic meters of floodwater surged downstream, severely damaging roads, bridges, and buildings along the river. The research on that event concluded not only that continued glacial retreat had created the conditions for the disaster chain — it stated explicitly that the ever-growing infrastructure inside the floodplain further amplified the consequences. In other words, development may not create the initial natural event, but it can determine whether that event ends as a human catastrophe.

A risk report on the China–Nepal transport corridor, released by the Institute of Mountain Hazards and Environment of the Chinese Academy of Sciences in Chengdu on August 26 of this year — the very day of the disaster — shows more than 700 debris-flow gullies distributed along the corridor, with the highest-hazard zones concentrated precisely in the Gyirong Tsangpo basin in southern Gyirong County. The report notes that fractured rock, enormous vertical relief, glaciers and glacial lakes — combined with the extreme heat, intense rainfall, and increased meltwater brought by climate change — together create the conditions for frequent debris flows.

The irony is that the same report calls this transport line a “golden corridor” for Tibetan tourism and a key zone of the western development strategy.

On one side, high-hazard river valleys; on the other, a “golden corridor.” On one side, ever more unstable glaciers and mountainsides; on the other, roads, logistics, and a national strategy that must keep pressing forward.

This contradiction is no accident. It is a political task assigned by Beijing.

In April 2026, the authorities announced that 624 border “moderately prosperous” (xiaokang) villages had been completed, and laid out plans to keep building a so-called “border town-and-village corridor belt” anchored on border county seats (including Gyirong County, where this disaster struck), key ports (including Gyirong Port), and towns — while praising the practice of implanting into border life the notion that “everyone is a sentry, every household a sentry post, every village a fortress.” In the official narrative, these projects are invariably tied to “guarding the territory and securing the border,” to “national security,” and to tightened border control. The next-phase development plan published at the end of 2025 still calls for expanding the integrated transport network, strengthening port logistics nodes, and continuing to build the Shigatse–Gyirong land-border-port national logistics hub, tying it all to the Belt and Road strategy.

(A xiaokang village built by the CCP in Rongxar Township, Tingri County. The uniform rows of houses look like army barracks — and every one of them sits beneath snow peaks and glaciers)

(Nepal Correspondence reports blamed China’s border settlements and massive construction for this ecological disaster)

A family is treated as a sentry post, a village as a fortress, and Tibetans’ homes and livelihoods have been conscripted into the border-guarding system. Under this arrangement, population becomes a resource to be deployed, and the homeland becomes a stronghold to be fortified. Tibetans are forced to leave their homes, give up their traditional nomadic and farming life, and move into uniformly planned settlements; with their livelihoods gone, their future depends entirely on the state’s arrangements. Such settlements are not merely about one family’s life — they serve as a showcase of the state’s capacity for control.

Holding up this border-guarding system is also a cohort of ordinary young people from the Chinese interior who tested their way out of their hometowns, exam after exam, and ended up as civil servants at border ports. Among the missing at Gyirong Port is a 24-year-old woman named Li Leiyang. She came from a village in northern Anhui and climbed her way up: from a vocational college into a bachelor’s degree, then into a master’s program at China Agricultural University — one of the elite “985” schools — and after graduation into the customs service, working in plant quarantine. Just days after taking up her post, she went missing in the August 26 mudslide. Hers is the path so many people know as that of the “small-town test-taker”: study, test, study again, test again, and finally win a stable job. But getting into the system does not mean holding power, nor does it mean truly understanding the natural and human world of the frontier where one is posted. A rank-and-file officer cannot decide where a port is built, still less how many people a national strategy should expose to risk. The uniform is on her body, but the power to decide rests with people far away — people who never once considered that the frontier these young people had rooted themselves in is a melting snowland plateau, and that the mountains and rivers they pillow their heads on trace a borderline that Tibetans risk their lives to cross.

On the empire’s frontier, the Tibetans who have lived here for generations are moved into settlements to “guard the territory and secure the border,” while young people who tested their way up from ordinary families are called on to shed their blood. When national strategy lands on their heads, it takes the form of a specific post, a specific dwelling — and, in the end, of calamity. The usurpers of the nation sit safely in their halls of power, deploying other people’s endurance, extolling other people’s sacrifice, and entering other people’s suffering into their own book of merit.

In the CCP’s logic of governing Tibet, “development,” “border consolidation,” transport corridors, and energy bases are, as a rule, political goals fixed in advance. The ecological environment and disaster risk are demoted to technical problems — to be dealt with, once the goals are set, by sensors, floodwalls, slope reinforcement, dredging, and rescue teams. So the government first decides that this place must be built up, and only then studies how to protect everything already built. The question it asks is never “should people and infrastructure keep being concentrated here at all?” but “since we must build, how much more engineering do we need to add?”

Before the grand national strategy, individual lives count for nothing: the people’s lives may serve as the price of achieving the state’s goals, but never as a reason to call those goals off.

That is precisely why responsibility must be stated plainly. Tibet’s development certainly requires roads, electricity, hospitals, schools, and safer housing. But here, livelihood projects have been bound to the political tasks of national security — what gets built, where, and at what scale answers, more often than not, to political logic rather than to residents’ needs or ecological sense. Since the government claims ports, highways, border villages, and relocation settlements as its achievements, it must also answer for their siting, their scale, and the secondary disasters they set in motion.

And truly responsible development must begin with an admission: the snowland plateau is not a blank map waiting for Beijing to fill in with railways, highways, hydropower stations, ports, and “modernized villages.” The mountains, rivers, and glaciers here have measures of their own — and climate change is now altering those very measures. Responsible development is not just a matter of building sturdier works. It means acknowledging that some places should not be built on at all, that some roads must be rerouted, that some villages must be left to decide for themselves whether to relocate — and that some national strategies and development goals are simply not worth completing at the cost of human lives.

In reality, however, the political gains of these projects go to the state and to the Party, and the resource gains go to the interior. When a project is completed, the state needs Tibetans to thank the Party for developing Tibet; when the project is washed away, the state needs Tibetans to thank the Party for the rescue. Whatever happens, the Party is glorious, great, and correct. But when the glaciers retreat, the rivers change course, and the mountains begin to move, those who pay the final price are still the Tibetans who live on this land — and the ordinary, striving people far from the centers of power, people like Yang Shizi and Li Leiyang.

文：Yuqiao Hu Editor：Ginger Duan

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这股洪流沿着既有河道奔行近100公里，冲向藏尼边境，将原本五层高的吉隆口岸海关大楼被泥石流掩埋，整个吉隆镇被完全从地图上扫平。

搜救尚未结束，党媒已经给了这场灾难一个昂扬的主题。他们把山壁上留下的“我爱你中国”五个字，写成了中国人“志气、骨气、底气”的象征。他们将国旗插在吉隆口岸国门原址的废墟上。废墟上的国家象征成了报道的中心，废墟和泥沙下被掩埋的人们却不见踪影。

在网络上，这种对灾难意义的塑造，也有明确的政治部署。9月1日，“西藏自治区”党委书记王君正在自治区应急指挥部、维稳指挥部调度救援工作时，强调要“牢牢掌握舆论工作主动权”，并将其视为与救援同等重要的工作。截至9月7日，中方确认图博一侧有43人遇难、519人失联，但未公布任何失联人员、遇难人员以及获救人员名单。在党的宣传部门眼里，引导公众去感动于一个个爱国符号，感叹灾后的坚强，感恩党的救援，甚至关注怎么在废墟上炒菜做饭，都远比回应失联者亲属的关切更重要。

同时，在中共的这套宣传里，泥石流被简化为一场纯粹的天灾，从尼泊尔一侧发生，中国政府力量只以救援者的身份出现，灾前的预警、选址和开发责任则被一笔带过。

自然决定洪流何时到来，而政策则决定洪流到来时，路上是否站着人。

《Nature》9月2日报道，对灾前卫星影像的分析发现，发生崩塌的冰岩体在事发前几天已经出现加速移动的迹象。而危险也不是第一次出现。

在吉隆口岸工作的人们也感知到了危险。今年26岁的边防警察杨世子，在2026年5月的给朋友的信中惊人的预见了这场灾难：“每天晚上枕着河水的波涛入睡，有时大雨终夜，山鸣谷应，我也会想着，或许哪天一场灾害，我也就长眠于此了。”他来自云南，大学毕业后考上公务员，刚刚入职吉隆口岸，至今仍处在失联状态。

2025年7月，吉隆口岸已经经历过一次类似的灾害。一座此前没有被常规目录识别的冰上湖突然排水，洪水摧毁吉隆口岸的中尼友谊桥，造成11人死亡。吉隆口岸因此从2025年7月关闭至2026年1月。它重新开放不过数月，便在今年8月的灾难中完全被摧毁。

（2025年7月，洪水摧毁吉隆口岸的中尼友谊桥）

而早在2018年，中文公开资料已经清楚描述了藏地正在形成的风险链：气候变暖加速冰川消融，冰体变薄并失去原有稳定；冰湖随之扩大，冰崩、冰湖溃决、泥石流与山洪可能彼此连接，把最初发生在高山深处的一次变化传递到数十甚至上百公里之外。

（冰川逐年后退，来源：Greenpeace）

中共不是没有意识到这种风险。过去十年的灾难，已经一次次把这种警告变成现实。

2016年，阿里阿汝山脉两条冰川在两个月内先后整体崩塌，巨大的冰雪洪流造成9人死亡。2018年，林芝色东普约1.3亿立方米的冰川与碎屑脱离，堵塞雅鲁藏布江约60小时，使上游水位抬高约75米，淹没道路和供电设施，并迫使至少6000名居民撤离。此后，色东普又在2021年、2022年等年份反复发生冰岩崩塌、泥石流和堵江。

2020年，那曲地区的嘉黎县金乌措发生冰湖溃决。约1000万立方米洪水冲向下游，严重破坏道路、桥梁和沿河建筑。相关研究不仅认为冰川持续退缩为灾害链的形成创造了条件，还明确指出，洪泛区内不断增加的基础设施进一步放大了灾害后果。换句话说，开发未必制造了最初的自然事件，却可以决定它最后会不会成为人间灾难。

就在今年8月26日中科院成都山地所发布的一份中尼交通走廊风险报告显示，这条走廊沿线分布着700多条泥石流沟，其中高危险区域尤其集中在吉隆县南部的吉隆藏布流域。报告指出，破碎岩体、巨大高差、冰川和冰湖，再加上气候变化带来的极端高温、强降水与融水增加，共同为泥石流频繁发生创造了条件。

讽刺的是，同一份报告也把这条交通线称为西藏旅游的“黄金走廊”和西部开发战略的重要区域。

一边是高危险河谷，一边是“黄金走廊”；一边是越来越不稳定的冰川与山体，一边是必须继续向前延伸的道路、物流和国家战略。

这种矛盾并非偶然，而是北京给安排的政治任务。

2026年4月，官方宣称，624个边境小康村已经建成，并计划依托边境县城（包括此次灾害发生地吉隆县）、重点口岸（包括吉隆口岸）和城镇，继续构建所谓“边境村镇廊带”，并赞扬了把“人人是哨兵、户户是哨所、村村是堡垒”的观念植入边境生活的做法。这些工程在官方叙事中始终与“守土固边”“国家安全”和强化边境控制联系在一起。2025年底公布的下一阶段发展规划，仍提出扩展综合交通网、加强口岸物流节点，并继续推进日喀则—吉隆陆上边境口岸型国家物流枢纽建设，将其与“一带一路”战略联系在一起。

（中共在定日县绒辖乡修建的小康村，整齐划一的房屋就像军营，这些房屋都处在雪山冰川之下）

（尼泊尔通讯称 中国在边境上的定居点和大兴土木造成了这场生态灾难）

一个家庭被视为一座哨所，一个村庄被视为一处堡垒，藏人的居住和谋生也被编进了守边体系。在这样的安排里，人口成为需要部署的资源，家园成为需要巩固的据点。藏人被迫离开自己的家园，终止传统的游牧农耕生活，搬迁到统一规划的定居点，生计没了着落，未来就全靠国家安排了。这样的居住地不仅关系到一家人的生活，也成为体现国家控制能力的重要载体。

支撑这套守边体系的，还有一批靠一场场考试走出家乡、最后来到边境口岸做公务员的中国内地普通的年轻人。吉隆口岸失联人员中，有一个24岁的姑娘，叫李雷阳。她来自皖北农村，一路往上爬。专升本，之后再上岸985中国农业大学的研究生，毕业后考进海关，负责植物检疫。到岗不过几天，她便在8月26日的泥石流中失去了消息。她的经历就是许多人熟悉的“小镇做题家”的道路：读书、考试，再读书、再考试，好不容易得到一份稳定的工作。但考进体制，并不意味着拥有权力，也不意味着对所出边疆的自然人文环境有全面的认识。一个基层警员决定不了口岸建在哪里，更决定不了一项国家战略应当让多少人承担风险。制服穿在身上，决定权却握在远方的人手里，他们从没有想到过，他们扎根的边疆是正在融化的雪域高原，他们头枕的山河，是藏人冒死跨越的边界线。

帝国的边疆，把世居于此的藏人移居到定居点搞“守土固边”，也靠那些从普通家庭一路考出来的年轻人抛洒热血。国家战略落到他们头上，就是具体的岗位、住所，以及大难到头。窃国者端坐在安全的庙堂里，部署别人的坚守，赞颂别人的牺牲，再把别人的苦难写入自己的功劳簿。

在中共的藏地治理逻辑中，”发展”、”固边”、建设交通走廊和能源基地，往往是预先确定的政治目标。至于生态环境与灾害风险，则被降格为技术问题，等到目标确定之后，再用传感器、防洪墙、护坡、疏浚和救援队伍去处理。于是，政府首先决定这里必须建设，然后再研究如何保护已经建成的一切。它考虑的从来不是”这里是否还应该继续集中人口和基础设施”，而是”既然一定要建设，还需要再增加多少工程”。

在宏大的国家战略面前，个体的生命变得不值一提：人民的生命可以成为实现国家目标的代价，却不能成为叫停国家目标的理由。

正因如此，责任必须说清楚。藏地的发展固然需要道路、电力、医院、学校和更安全的住房，但在这里，民生工程被与国家安全的政治任务捆绑在一起——修什么、修在哪里、修多大，服从的往往是政治逻辑而非居民需要和生态合理性。政府既然把口岸、公路、边境村和搬迁定居点当作政绩，就必须对它们的选址、规模和由此引发的次生灾害负责。

而真正负责任的发展，要承认：雪域高原不是一张等待北京填满铁路、公路、水电站、口岸和“现代化村庄”的空白地图。这里的山川、河流和冰川有自己的尺度，如今，气候变化正在让这些尺度本身发生改变。负责任的发展，不只是让工程变得更加坚固，而是承认有些地方不应该建设，有些道路必须改线，有些村庄需要由居民自己决定是否搬迁，也有些国家战略和发展并不值得用人的生命去完成。

然而在现实中，工程的政治收益归于国家、归于党，资源收益归于内地。在项目建成时，国家需要藏人感恩党对藏地的开发；而当项目被冲毁时，国家同样需要藏人感恩党的救灾。无论发生什么，党都是光荣的、伟大的、正确的。但当冰川退缩、河流改道、山开始移动时，最后承担代价的，仍然是生活在藏地的藏人，和杨世子、李雷阳这样远离权力中心的、努力生活的普通人。

文：Yuqiao 编：GD

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The Tibetan Eagle in the Octagon

On August 29, 2026, at UFC Shanghai, Su Mudaerji faced American fighter Alex Perez. Three months prior in Macau, a dominant performance was cut short when an accidental groin strike rendered the bout a “No Contest,” halting his momentum. In this rematch, Su Mudaerji leveraged his advantage in significant strikes to secure a unanimous three-round decision, successfully reclaiming his spot in the official flyweight rankings. In his post-fight interview, he expressed gratitude to everyone who has supported him, along with Aruoboba and his team. He also voiced his hope that disaster victims affected by the recent floods in his hometown Gyirong County, Tibet would soon weather the crisis and stay safe, before happily sharing that he will become a father soon.

There are very few Tibetans like him who can make Tibetans both in China and abroad feel this proud. Behind this victory lies no cinematic twist of fate, but rather a relentless cycle of starting over. Over the years, the “Tibetan Eagle” has become Su Mudaerji’s most distinct moniker. Yet, beyond the label, what deserves true recognition is how a child from an impoverished Tibetan mountain family navigated the heavy constraints of language barriers, economic hardship, and marginal identity to claw his way to where he is today.

Heishui County, Ngawa: A Poverty-Stricken Childhood

Born on January 20, 1996, in Heishui County, Ngawa Tibetan and Qiang Autonomous Prefecture, Sichuan Province, Su Mudaerji grew up where the high plateau meets rugged mountain terrain. Characterized by high altitudes and poor infrastructure, the region offers limited educational advancement; to get ahead, children must leave the mountains for Barkam or Chengdu. For a family like Su Mudaerji’s, however, simply “getting out” was an immense hurdle.

An only child, Su Mudaerji was raised by farming parents who were so poor they did not even own a cow, relying on meager agricultural yields just to scrape by. He recalled, “Day-to-day life meant farming, picking up stones, and taking on odd jobs. If not for martial arts, I’d probably still be herding yaks - someone else’s yaks, since my family didn’t own any. We had enough to fill our stomachs, mostly Heishui flour pancakes and potato-and-pickled-cabbage, but never meat.” Academically uninclined, he gravitated toward sports from an analytical and physical standpoint, frequently watching the combat show *Wulin Feng* and wrestling with peers in the sandlots-one of his few escapes.

Forged in the Enbo Fight Club: The Making of a Fighter

In the summer of 2010, the Enbo Fight Club came to Heishui County to scout recruits. Anxious over incomplete summer homework, Su Mudaerji learned of the opportunity through an uncle. It was hardly a romantic tale of destiny, but rather a pragmatic choice made by an impoverished family facing limited options: rather than facing a dead-end education and a lifetime of farming in the village, letting the boy try his luck elsewhere made more sense.

Founded in 2001 by Enbo, a retired Tibetan PAP (People’s Armed Police) soldier (originally established as the Ngawa Prefecture Kickboxing Team), the Enbo Fight Club is headquartered in Pidu District, Chengdu. It is renowned for sheltering and training over 400 underprivileged “children in need” free of charge. Operating under the philosophy of “sports poverty alleviation,” the club provides housing, training, and general education. Its real-life journey sparked widespread public discussion and inspired the hit film Octagon:Never Say Never. This chapter not only altered the fates of Su Mudaerji and countless other mountain children, but also imbued the club with the unique weight of a “home” and a “place of rebirth.” Today, Enbo stands as a premier cradle for Mixed Martial Arts (MMA) talent in China.

The club’s instructors set two prerequisites: finish the summer homework before registering, and obtain parental consent. Having written nothing, Su Mudaerji begged the teachers for leniency, who in turn demanded a parental nod. Knowing their son’s academic struggles, boundless energy, and lifelong love for wrestling, his parents sent the 14-year-old Su Mudaerji to the Enbo Club.

From the moment he stepped through its doors, Su Mudaerji resolved to stay, drawn to basic comforts he had never known. “The beds were so soft,” he remembered. “At home, I didn’t even have my own bed. When I got to the club, everyone had a single bed-the bunk beds were huge, and sleeping on them felt secure and comfortable.” Arriving with just the clothes on his back, owner Enbo took him and other newcomers to a brand-name store to buy clothes. “Back home, I only got new clothes during the New Year festival. Here, I could wear new clothes all the time. I was beyond happy.”

At the time, Enbo was primarily a Sanda (kickboxing) gym, where Su Mudaerji laid a formidable foundation. Between 2010 and 2014, he claimed second place in the Sichuan Youth Sanda Championships and third place in the men’s 56kg division at the Sichuan Wushu Sanda Championships, earning a National Second-Class Athlete designation in Sanda. In 2014, he was selected for the Sichuan provincial Sanda training team, transitioning to MMA in 2015 at the age of 19.

Notably, the Enbo Club has always prioritized personal character over mere accolades. Su Mudaerji eventually rose to team captain through his care for younger teammates, strong sense of responsibility, and upright integrity. The club is filled with children of similar impoverished backgrounds from Tibetan regions, the Greater Liangshan of Yi or Qiang ethnicity. While coaching resources are accessible, breaking through ultimately demands years of personal endurance and resilience.

The Professional Path: Language Barriers, Marginalization, and Injury

In 2016, Su Mudaerji officially launched his professional MMA career, capturing the inaugural flyweight championship belt in *Wu Lin Long Zhong Dui*. In November 2018, just 10 days before UFC Beijing, he received a short-notice call-up, becoming the first Tibetan fighter signed to the UFC. Hampered by the compressed timeframe for preparation and weight-cut, he stepped into the Octagon fueled by nervous excitement and a dream, ultimately succumbing to a submission by veteran Louis Smolka due to deficient ground skills.

“I felt heartbroken after losing in Beijing, but I bounced back the very next day. I knew the defeat stemmed from a lack of skill, not bad luck, so my only option was to train harder.” Recognizing his shortcomings in wrestling and jiu-jitsu, he took a solitary path to address them-traveling alone to a country where both language and culture were entirely foreign: Dagestan, a Russian republic in the North Caucasus along the Caspian Sea.

A month after the Beijing bout, Su Mudaerji packed his bags and embarked on a solo journey to Dagestan. Instead of an inspirational script, he met profound isolation. “For the first half-month in Dagestan, almost nobody spoke to me. With the language and cultural divide, coupled with my weak wrestling, no one wanted to spar with me. Every day after training, I felt deeply discouraged because not a single person would partner up with me. I had traveled all this way to learn wrestling, yet nobody was willing to grapple with me.” For a young Tibetan far from home, caught on the margins of identity and language, the mental toll was infinitely more grueling than any external “inspirational narrative” suggests.

He eventually broke the ice using basketball skills honed in childhood, gradually integrating with his Dagestan teammates: “Dagestan people and Tibetans share a martial spirit. Their training is fiercely intense, running four hours daily across two sessions. Everyone possesses an extreme competitive drive, treating victory and defeat as matters of ultimate consequence. That atmosphere infected me, driving an unyielding, stubborn streak in my own training.” This integration was no effortless transition; it was earned through constant testing and prolonged coexistence.

In August 2019 at the Shenzhen Universiade Center, Su Mudaerji defeated Andre Soukhamthath by unanimous decision to claim his maiden UFC victory. “I’m extremely confident now; I won’t be easily taken down anymore. Confidence is built on mountains of training, and I actually look forward to stepping into the cage now.” Yet this confidence was forged precisely through those days when virtually no one cared to look his way.

Following his debut win, pandemic disruptions sidelined him for 16 months before his third match-his flyweight debut. Dropping to flyweight was partly tactical-”My walk-around weight is around 65kg, which puts me at a severe disadvantage in the talent-stacked bantamweight division”-and partly a pragmatic adjustment for an athlete without systemic nutritional backing. He meticulously studied footage of flyweight kingpin Deiveson Figueiredo and prepared extensively for Malcolm Gordon: “I wanted a KO or TKO, but I was fully prepared to go the distance, ready to seize any opening for a finish.”

He subsequently secured a knockout in just 44 seconds-marking the third-fastest finish in flyweight history-and rattled off three consecutive wins to crack the world top fifteen. Yet a subsequent wave of injuries forced an 18-month hiatus from competition. For a professional athlete, such a blank slate during their physical prime is agonizing-a genuine, prolonged trough omitted from standard “comeback narratives.”

The road back wasn’t easy. During that 18-month layoff, Su faced real financial strain. In a July 2022 interview with The Beijing News, he admitted that going without fights had left him anxious-as a professional athlete, he was responsible for his own income, and no fights meant no paycheck, even as training costs kept piling up, private coaching chief among them. Competing abroad brought its own headaches: traveling alone, struggling to communicate with coaches during training, the language barrier left him feeling frustrated and disheartened. It’s part of why he later resolved to start studying English.

He ultimately fought his way back, returning to the official rankings at UFC Shanghai in August 2026.

Enbo Fight Club: A Shared Sanctuary of Mutual Support

No matter where his career takes him, the Enbo Fight Club remains Su Mudaerji’s spiritual home. Like many of the youths there, he calls Enbo “Foster Dad.” “He’s warm and affectionate in daily life, but rigorous during training. On rainy days, he would scold us for not wearing socks to prevent catching a cold. At meals, he’d slip us extra meat and vegetables. During fights, he’d cheer us on from ringside,” Su Mudaerji shared. “He gave us a new lease on life, and I will be grateful to him for the rest of my days.”

As one of the club’s earliest students and its captain, Su Mudaerji understands the shared struggles of children emerging from destitution. This collective background forms the bedrock of the club’s deep-rooted solidarity. Today, he has become an idol to youngsters back home. As a young Tibetan trainee currently at Enbo from Ngawa Prefecture put it: “I came here to become like Su Mudaerji, so I can give my family a better life.“

Miracles Are Paved Step by Step on Mountain Trails

Su Mudaerji’s story is no fairy tale of a herding boy transforming instantly into a world champion. Instead, it is the journey of an impoverished Tibetan child who carved out a path through scarce resources, linguistic barriers, and social marginalization via years of relentless training and endurance. The setback in Beijing, the chilling isolation of early days in Dagestan, the 16-month pandemic vacuum, a three-fight skid, and an 18-month injury layoff-these trials were never magically bypassed or rewritten; he faced and bore them, step by agonizing step.

Today, through his own hard work, he’s given his parents a home in Chengdu, and shown kids back home from similarly poor Tibetan backgrounds a real, hard, but genuinely attainable path. To local kids, Su is a hero - every time he returns to his hometown, children crowd around him with endless questions, and at Enbo Fight Club, where he trained as a boy, younger fighters look up to him as a role model and a guiding light. He’s said, in his own words: he’s not from a big city either - he came from the mountains, once just like them, but through hard work made it into the UFC. For local kids, he feels like he can serve as a kind of inspiring force, giving them the motivation to keep moving forward, whether in fighting or in life.

In recent years, several Tibetan fighters have stepped onto the international stage - alongside Su, names like Rongzhu and Sonam Gyalpo have also emerged. According to Voice of Tibet, these athletes have drawn enthusiastic support from Tibetans both inside and outside Tibet for the pride and affirmation of Tibetan identity they display, on and off the mat. Their presence has stirred excitement among audiences in China and abroad - when they walk into the arena in traditional Tibetan dress, khata scarves under the spotlight, many Tibetans feel a swell of genuine pride. Su’s return, carrying both a dream and a sense of purpose, is a welcome one - and we look forward to hearing that familiar, unmistakably Tibetan roar of celebration: “Ga-he-he!”

Author：GD Proofreading: Wilson
With help of Deepseek and Claude

八角笼中的藏族雄鹰

2026年8月29日，UFC上海站，苏木达尔基对阵美国选手佩雷斯。三个月前的澳门站，他在占尽优势时因无意踢中对手裆部，比赛被判“无结果”，晋级势头被迫中断。此番二番战，苏木凭借有效打击数优势，三回合一致判定战胜对手，成功重返蝇量级官方排名。赛后他说：“感谢一直在支持他的朋友，阿若博巴和他的团队，希望他的家乡西藏吉隆县中遭受水灾的灾民早日渡过难关，平安！ ！”最后他说他快当爸爸了，很高兴！

很少有一个这样的藏族人，可以让海内外藏人都感到如此的自豪。这场胜利背后，没有戏剧性的转折，只有一次又一次的重新出发。这些年，“藏族雄鹰”成了苏木达尔基身上最鲜明的标签，但比起标签本身，更值得被看见的，是一个藏族山区贫困家庭的孩子，如何在语言、经济、身份认同的重重困境限制里，一步步走到今天。

阿坝州黑水县：贫困的童年

1996年1月20日，苏木达尔基出生在四川省阿坝藏族羌族自治州黑水县。这里是高原与山地的交界处，海拔高、交通不便，孩子们要接受更好的教育，就得走出大山，去马尔康，去成都--但对大多数像苏木这样的家庭来说，“走出去”本身就是一件难事。

苏木是家中独子，父母靠务农为生，穷到连一头牛都没有，全家收入仅够勉强维持生活。他回忆道：”自己平时就是种地、捡石头、打些零工，如果没有格斗，我现在可能还在放牛，放的还得是别人家的牛，自己家没有。能吃饱，黑水面块，土豆酸菜，没有肉。” 他学习成绩不好，从小热爱体育运动，经常看《武林风》节目，与伙伴们在沙地里玩摔跤--这是他为数不多的乐趣。

与恩波格斗的结缘：百炼成钢

2010年夏季，恩波格斗俱乐部到黑水县招生，正在为暑假作业发愁的苏木因一位叔叔的介绍得知了这个消息。这不是一次充满浪漫色彩的“追梦”，更接近一个贫困家庭在有限选项里，做出的现实判断：与其继续学业无望、留在村里种地，不如让孩子去尝试另一条路。

恩波格斗，由藏族武警退伍军人恩波于2001年创立（前身为阿坝州武术散打队），总部位于成都郫都区，因长期免费收养并培训来自贫困家庭的400余名“困境儿童”而闻名。它以“体育扶贫”为理念，为孩子们提供食宿、训练和文化教育，其真实故事曾引发社会热议，并被改编为电影《八角笼中》。这段经历不仅改写了苏木等无数大山孩子的命运，也赋予了俱乐部“家”与“重生之地”的独特意义。目前恩波格斗已经是中国顶尖的综合格斗（MMA）人才的摇篮。

俱乐部的老师提了两个条件：一是把暑假作业做完再来报名，二是必须家长同意。苏木一个字都没写，央求老师通融；老师转而要求家长点头。父母清楚儿子的情况--学习倒数、精力旺盛、从小爱摔跤--便将14岁的苏木送到了恩波俱乐部。

从踏入俱乐部那一刻起，苏木就下定决心要留下，因为对他而言，这里代表着他此前从未拥有过的基本生活条件。“这里的床好软”，他回忆说，“在家里没有自己单独的床，刚去俱乐部，一人一张床，上下铺很大，睡着很踏实，也很舒服。”他来时只穿了一身衣服，没带多余行李，老板恩波带着他和新来的孩子去品牌店购置衣物。“以前都是过年过节才能换一次新衣服，在这里经常有新衣服穿，那得多开心。”

那时候的恩波格斗还是一家散打俱乐部，苏木从小打下了扎实的散打底子。2010年至2014年间，他先后获得四川省青少年散打锦标赛第二名、四川省武术散打锦标赛男子甲组56公斤第三名，并升为散打二级运动员。2014年，他被选拔到四川省散打队集训。2015年，19岁的苏木开始转练MMA综合格斗。

值得一提的是，恩波格斗更看重的从来不只是成绩，而是个人品格的培养。苏木后来当上了俱乐部队长，靠的是他平常比较关心小队员、比较有责任心，关键是人品过硬。俱乐部里像他一样出身贫困，来自藏族地区、大凉山的彝族、羌族孩子并不少，教练资源虽然不缺，但每个人要走出来，靠的仍然是个人多年的坚持与忍耐。

职业之路：语言不通、身份边缘、伤病缠身的漫长跋涉

2016年，苏木达尔基正式开启职业MMA综合格斗生涯，在《武林笼中对》斩获史上首条蝇量级金腰带。2018年11月，UFC北京赛前10天，他突然接到通知被签入UFC，成为签约UFC的首位藏族选手。由于时间太短，甚至来不及备战、减重，他带着圆梦的兴奋与对未知的紧张完成了自己的八角笼首秀，最终因地面技术不足，被老将斯莫卡降服。

“输掉北京赛后我感觉很难过，但第二天就调整好了。我知道自己输是实力不足，不是运气差，所以我要做的就是更刻苦地训练。”这场失利，让他清楚看到自己在摔跤和柔术方面的短板--而弥补这个短板的方式，是他独自一人，远赴一个语言、文化都完全陌生的国家：达吉斯坦，俄罗斯最南部毗邻里海的自治共和国。

北京赛结束一个月后，苏木收拾行囊，独自踏上达吉斯坦之旅。等待他的不是励志剧本，而是彻底的孤立：“刚到达吉斯坦的前半个月，基本上没有人与我说话。首先语言和文化不同，我的摔跤又不好，没有人愿意和我搭档。每天训练完回去我都会特别沮丧，因为根本没有人愿意陪我练。我费那么大劲来到达吉斯坦是为了学摔跤，结果没有人愿意和我摔。”作为一个远离故土、身份和语言都处在边缘的藏族青年，这段经历的煎熬，远比外界看到的“励志故事”要真实和难熬得多。

他靠着从小练出的篮球球技，才慢慢与达吉斯坦队友打成一片：“达吉斯坦人与藏族人都有一种尚武的精神。他们平时的训练特别激烈，强度很大，上下午各两小时。每个人的好胜心都非常强，把胜负看得很重。我也被这种氛围感染，自己训练的时候常常会有不服输的感觉。”这不是一次轻松的融入，而是靠反复试探和长时间的相处，才慢慢换来的一点点接纳。

2019年8月，深圳大运中心，苏木达尔基三回合击败安德烈·苏康塔斯，赢得自己在UFC的首胜。“我现在非常自信，不会再被轻易摔倒了。自信是需要大量的训练堆积的，现在上场打比赛我反而很期待。”但这份自信的取得，是靠此前那段几乎没有人愿意搭理他的日子换来的。

首胜之后，受全球疫情影响，苏木阔别八角笼16个月，才迎来个人第三场比赛，也是他的蝇量级首秀。转战蝇量级，一方面是技术考量--“我的平时体重只有65公斤左右，打高手如云的雏量级太吃亏”--另一方面，也是一个长期营养和身体条件都不算优越的运动员，在现实层面做出的调整。他专门研究了蝇量级霸主菲格雷多的录像，也针对对手马尔科姆·戈登做了大量准备：“我希望KO或者TKO取胜，但也做好了打满三回合的准备，终结的机会出现时绝不放过。”

此后，他44秒KO对手，创下蝇量级历史第三快终结纪录，随即一波三连胜，一度跻身世界前十五。但接下来，他又因伤病，整整一年半无法比赛--对职业选手而言，这样的黄金期空白格外煎熬，也是这条路上从未被“逆转叙事”提及的、真实而漫长的低谷。

复出之路并不轻松。在那一年半的伤病停赛期里，苏木坦言经济上的压力很大。2022年7月，他接受新京报采访时说，没有比赛打让他感到焦虑--作为职业运动员，需要自负盈亏，没有比赛意味着没有收入，但又不能不训练，支持训练的费用不菲，特别是请私教的费用很高。在海外打比赛，语言不通也很不方便，他坦言一个人坐飞机旅行，训练时和教练交流，不懂英语让他觉得很挫败，所以他想要好好学习英文。

他最终重新打出三连胜，并在2026年8月的上海站重返官方排名。

恩波格斗：一群出身相似的孩子，互相支撑的地方

无论走到哪一站，恩波格斗始终是苏木心底的“家”。苏木和很多孩子一样，称恩波为“干爹”。“他生活中很亲切，训练时很严格。下雨天，看到我们穿拖鞋，他会怪我们不穿袜子，容易着凉。吃饭时，他会给我们加肉加菜。比赛中，他会在台下给我们鼓励。”苏木说，“他给予我们新生命，这辈子都会感激他。”

作为俱乐部最早的学员之一，苏木也是恩波格斗的队长。俱乐部里，像他一样出身贫困、来自藏族地区的孩子还有很多，大家彼此熟悉那种从匮乏中走出来的不易，这种共同的底色，也是俱乐部内部凝聚力的一部分。如今，他已成为家乡许多孩子的偶像。一位同样来自阿坝州、正在恩波格斗训练的藏族孩子说：“我来到这里，就是想成为苏木达尔基，让家里人过上好日子。”

奇迹是一步一步走出来的羊肠小道

苏木达尔基的故事，不是一个“放牛娃变身世界冠军”的童话，而是一个藏族贫困家庭的孩子，在资源匮乏、语言隔阂、身份边缘的重重现实里，靠着长年累月的训练和忍耐，慢慢挪动出来的一条路。北京赛的失利、达吉斯坦最初无人问津的孤独、疫情带来的16个月空白、三连败、伤病造成的一年半停摆--这些困难从未被一次性“改编”或跨越，而是被他一次次重新面对、重新承受下来。

如今，他用自己的双手让父母搬到了成都生活，也让家乡那些同样出身贫困的藏族孩子，看到了一条现实、艰苦、但确实存在的路。如今苏木在当地的孩子们心中就是一个英雄，每一次回到家乡，他都会被孩子们围住问东问西，在小时候训练的恩波格斗俱乐部，他更被学弟们当作榜样和指路明灯。“我也不是大城市的，我来自大山，我曾经和他们一样，但通过努力，我打入了UFC，对于当地的孩子们来说，我感觉自己像是一种能够感召他们的精神力量，能够带给他们不断前进的动力，无论从事格斗还是在生活中……”

近些年多位藏人格斗选手走向国际舞台，除了苏木，还有茸主、索朗杰布等选手。西藏之声说，他们因在赛场内外展现对藏人身份的认同与热爱，而受到境内外同胞的追捧。他们的出现，激起了许多海内外观众的欢呼，每当他们身穿藏袍、佩戴哈达，在聚光灯下走进赛场，不少藏人都打心里为他们自豪和骄傲。一个怀揣梦想与使命感的苏木的回归让人欣喜，我们期待听到那熟悉的，藏人标志性的欢呼声--“嘎呵呵”！

文编 GD 校对 Wilson
在 deepseek 和 Claude 的辅助下完成

Adapted from a talk and Q&A given by Ginger Duan, founder of Chinese Youth Stand for Tibet, at a June 2026 conference in Dharamshala at the International conference on Sino-Tibet Relations.

Who I Am

I am Chinese, not Taiwanese or Hongkonger. I was born and raised in mainland China, in Yunnan, an ethnically diverse province bordering Tibet. Growing up, I was surrounded by people from many different cultures and religions, so I learned early that different communities see the world in different ways. It wasn’t until I went to college near Shanghai that I realized my perspective differed from those of many of my peers from China’s largest cities. Looking back, that difference shaped everything that followed.

My Time Teaching in Tibet

My journey with Tibet began in 2018, when I taught at Jigme Gyaltsen School in Golok, Amdo, in eastern Tibet. I wasn’t a political science student or an activist—I studied science and technology and had started a small computer business when I was young.

Officially, I helped the digital archive setup in the school library. In practice, I became the school’s IT specialist, helping teachers and students troubleshoot laptops, phones, and other devices. I kept office hours, and those everyday interactions gave me something few outsiders ever experience: the chance to build genuine relationships and have long conversations with Tibetan teachers about their lives.

Living in Tibet changed me.

Passing through checkpoints became part of daily life. I witnessed the Chinese government discourage teachers from using the Tibetan language in classrooms. The government insists that “Tibetans and Han Chinese are one family,” yet those slogans often appeared alongside tanks deployed to intimidate and control Tibetan communities. Seeing those contradictions firsthand left me deeply unsettled.

One encounter has never left me. Because I loved photography, a police officer decided I looked suspicious. At a checkpoint, he searched my phone and interrogated me. I was only 22 years old and terrified. I spoke loudly in standard Mandarin, trying to prove I wasn’t local Tibetan and wasn’t a threat. Even then, I understood that my ability to do that was a privilege—and I still feel guilty about it.

The Information Vacuum

People often ask why I support Tibet. For a long time, I asked myself the same question. Something I witnessed there felt profoundly wrong, even if I couldn’t yet explain why. I became determined to understand what was really happening.

Inside China, that wasn’t easy.

Everyone has heard of the Great Firewall, but censorship surrounding Tibet is especially severe. Search for information about Tibet on the Chinese internet, and you find almost nothing. Even with a VPN and access to Google, I struggled to verify basic facts.

I began talking to friends who worked in Tibet and other ethnic regions. What I found was an information vacuum filled with rumors. Reliable fact-checking on ethnic policy simply doesn’t exist in the Chinese internet. Instead, the official narrative is repeated over and over: 56 ethnic groups, one harmonious family, building a prosperous country together.

What I witnessed in Tibet told a very different story.

Anchor Reports

After moving to the United States, I realized I couldn’t simply walk away. I wanted to do something meaningful for Tibetans, so I began writing educational posts in Chinese on social media.

One of our earliest projects focused on Gyalo Thondup. When he passed away, there was almost no substantive Chinese-language coverage explaining who he was or why he mattered. We decided to write what we call an “anchor report.”

The idea is simple. When people are searching for reliable information and none exists, someone has to create the first trustworthy reference point. We hoped that by documenting Gyalo Thondup’s life in Chinese, we could encourage more informed conversations about Tibet and Sino-Tibetan relations.

Our work became much more personal last summer.

My collaborator and the primary author of this Gyalo Thondup article, Tara Zhang Yadi, was arrested after returning to China from France, where she had been studying. She had gone home to visit her family, reunite with friends, and celebrate her 22nd birthday.

She remains in custody today.

At the time, we were inexperienced activists. We had no idea how severe the consequences could be. Tara had spent more than a year helping edit our work. She is a deeply thoughtful Buddhist who never advocated for Tibetan independence, yet she was accused of “separatism” anyway.

That experience changed how we thought about our work. It reminded us that even moderate voices seeking truthful discussion can face extraordinary risks.

Independence or the Middle Way? Not Our Question

People often ask whether we support Tibetan independence or the Middle Way approach.

Our answer surprises them: we don’t take a position.

We are Chinese-speaking advocates working to improve understanding of Tibet. Whether Tibet’s political future should be independence, the Middle Way, or something else is ultimately a decision for Tibetans—not for us. Asking me to choose between those paths is like asking someone who isn’t an American citizen whether California should become independent. It simply isn’t my decision to make.

From our perspective, another reality is impossible to ignore: the Chinese government tolerates neither position. Tara never argued for independence, yet she was still charged with separatism.

That is why we believe today’s most urgent challenge lies elsewhere. Before meaningful political conversations can happen, people need access to reliable information. Too many Chinese readers still encounter only propaganda and misinformation. Even overseas, false narratives remain widespread, including claims that His Holiness the Dalai Lama was the biggest slave owner. This is clearly a cultural war, and our efforts in this area in the past have been insufficient. We have not effectively fought back.

There is a Chinese proverb: Whoever tied the bell must untie it.

The Chinese government created this information crisis, but we believe Chinese-speaking people also have a responsibility to help address it. If we fail to engage Chinese audiences now, misunderstanding will only deepen.

That conviction led us to organize.

What We Do

Our organization brings together people from very different backgrounds who share one goal: using the Chinese language to build understanding.

Our members include Tibetans, Han Chinese, and Han Chinese members who were raised in Tibet, some former political prisoners, and journalists.

Those who are oppressing Tibetans speak Chinese. Those who attack Tibetans online speak Chinese. And the Chinese people who firmly believe the myth that Tibetans were once all “serfs” also speak Chinese. That is why using the same language is the most effective way to challenge and dismantle the misinformation and propaganda manufactured by the Chinese government.

At the Northern California Tibetan community center, for example, we organized an event where volunteers wrote postcards to political prisoners in Tibet, addressed in Chinese so they could be delivered to Chinese prison.

When I say “Chinese Youth Stand for Tibet,” I don’t mean “Chinese” as an ethnic identity. I mean Chinese-speaking. Language is our common tool, and we use it to reach audiences that many Tibetan organizations cannot easily reach.

Our mission is to bridge the information gap between Chinese-speaking communities and Tibetans, both inside and outside Tibet. We also hear from Tibetans who have lost their ability to speak Tibetan but still want to reconnect with their heritage. They search online looking for reliable information about Tibet, just as I once did in Tibet. We hope our platform can help answer those questions and reconnect people with their identity and history.

We also organize Sino-Tibetan youth dialogues. One was held at Stanford University, another at the Tibetan community center in Northern California. During one gathering, participants placed sticky notes marking their hometowns—Chinese participants in purple, Tibetans in green. Looking at the map, we were struck by how geographically close many of us had grown up.

We reached a simple conclusion: neighbors do not get to choose one another. Whatever the future holds, Chinese and Tibetans will continue living alongside each other. That makes dialogue not just worthwhile, but necessary.

Education is another major part of our work.

We regularly publish fact-checks and explainers that challenge common misconceptions spread through Chinese state propaganda. One of my favorite examples comes from seminars about Tibetan democracy. I often begin with a single sentence:

“The people you think are serfs can vote now.”

That line immediately captures people’s attention.

Many Chinese readers long for democracy themselves, yet still imagine Tibetans as backward or incapable of self-government. When they learn how Tibetan democratic institutions actually function well in exile, many begin questioning assumptions they had accepted for years.

We also distribute our writing through email newsletters that can reach readers inside China despite internet censorship. Our audience includes people in Beijing, Guangzhou, Inner Mongolia, Hong Kong, East Turkestan, and even Tibet itself. Interestingly, our largest readership comes from Lanzhou, near the border of Amdo and China inland.

To us, those readers demonstrate that there is genuine curiosity inside China. Many people simply have never had access to trustworthy information about Tibet.

A Strategic Reorientation

The international movement for Tibet has achieved remarkable successes. Tibetan leaders and advocates have brought their cause to the United Nations, the European Union, the United States, and governments around the world. Today, the Tibetan flag is recognized globally, and awareness of Tibet has grown far beyond what it was a generation ago.

Those achievements matter.

But they have also highlighted a challenge that, in our view, warrants greater attention: reaching the people living under China’s rule, this include Tibetan and Chinese live inside.

For decades, the Chinese government has shaped how its citizens understand Tibet. Most people inside China have never encountered an alternative narrative. They have been taught that Tibet was “liberated,” that all Tibetans were once serfs, and that anyone carrying the Tibetan flag must be a separatist.

If those assumptions remain unchallenged, meaningful change will be difficult.

That is why we believe the next phase of advocacy must include sustained engagement with Chinese-speaking audiences.

Many demonstrations take place in English or Tibetan, which makes perfect sense for international audiences and Tibetan communities. But most people in mainland China understand neither language. If we hope to change minds there, we have to speak to people in the language they use every day.zx

That is why everything we publish is written in simplified Chinese. For most of the time we know that we are not simply translating Tibetan perspectives—we are interpreting them for readers whose political education has been shaped almost entirely by Chinese state narratives. The challenge is not only linguistic; it is cultural.

People often ask us who is most likely to listen.

Our experience suggests that some audiences are especially open to conversation: Chinese students studying overseas, people who have traveled in Tibet, those who grew up near Tibetan regions, Buddhists, and anyone who has begun questioning official narratives about Chinese history.

One conversation with a Tibetan youth has stayed with me. They asked how young Chinese people think about Tibet today.

From the dialogues we have organized, I have learned that many Tibetan participants arrive with a sophisticated understanding of the issues. They speak comfortably about self-determination, cultural genocide, or the Middle Way because these ideas are part of their lived experience.

Many Chinese students, by contrast, arrive with almost no vocabulary for discussing Tibet beyond what they learned in school. Some already suspect the official narrative is incomplete, but they lack the historical framework to understand why.

That is why dialogue matters.

Chinese International students who have studied topics such as apartheid in South Africa, colonialism, or other authoritarian systems often begin recognizing similar patterns when discussing Tibet. They may not immediately change their views, but they become willing to ask questions they had never asked before.

That willingness to question is where meaningful conversations begin.

I also want to share a message that Tibetan friends inside Tibet asked me to bring here. At the heart of it is one simple message: you need to understand your opponent.

They urged overseas Tibetans to learn more about contemporary China—not only about the Chinese government, but about Chinese society and the people who live within it. Build friendships. Talk to Chinese students. Create opportunities for honest conversations.

No movement succeeds without persuading new people.

Finally, I believe there is an opportunity for closer collaboration between Tibetan organizations and younger Chinese-speaking advocates.

Many Tibetan organizations produce outstanding research and educational resources, but much of it never reaches younger Chinese readers because translation alone is not enough. Effective communication requires cultural interpretation—finding examples, language, and references that resonate with people who have grown up inside China’s information system.

That is where we hope to contribute.

Our role is not to speak for Tibetans. It is to help make Tibetan voices understandable to audiences that have rarely had the opportunity to hear them.

On Safety

During this conference, several Tibetan friends asked me the same question:

“Are you safe?”

It wasn’t the first time I had heard it.

Two years ago, the Chinese government shut down the school in Ragya where I had taught. When news broke, I recounted my experiences at school to the media, and Tibetan friends within Tibet managed to contact me. My friends in Tibet reached out with the same concern:

“Where are you? Are you safe?”

The answer is yes.

Today I live in California. I worked full time in IT, and I have built a life here. I know transnational repression is real, and I don’t dismiss those risks. But after deciding to dedicate my life to supporting Tibet, I also made another decision: I will never return to China, and I will never board a Chinese airline again.

In many ways, I have accepted that I am living in exile.

That decision allows me to continue this work without constantly looking over my shoulder.

The people I worry about most are my parents, who still live in China.

They are ordinary people. They don’t work for the government, and I am financially independent, so there is little leverage the authorities can use against them. Even so, the police have visited my family.

One day, they came to my mother’s home.

They told her, “Your daughter has written many articles criticizing our government and our ethnic policies.”

My mother asked, “What articles? Can you show them to me? I’d like to read them.”

The officers looked surprised.

“I haven’t even read them myselves,” one replied.

My mother smiled and asked, “If you haven’t read them, how do you know they’re bad?”

I have always admired her courage.

She doesn’t know what exactly I do, but she knows I am trying to do something worthwhile. And I trust her to protect herself just as she trusts me to follow my conscience.

I thought carefully about these consequences before beginning this work. None of these sacrifices was made lightly.

Fear Is Your Chinese Passport

The Chinese government governs through two powerful tools: lies and fear.

If fear takes root in your mind, it becomes much easier to accept whatever you are told.

That is why I often say:

“Fear is your Chinese passport. If you have no fear, you hold no Chinese passport.”

To me, that means authoritarian power depends not only on censorship but on convincing people that speaking honestly is too dangerous.

That is why reclaiming the truth matters.

His Holiness the Dalai Lama often reminds us that our greatest weapon is the truth. But for many people inside China, that truth remains inaccessible.

When I lived in Tibet, my English was limited. I spoke Chinese and only a little Tibetan. The books, research, and reporting that challenged the official narrative simply weren’t available to me.

Millions of people remain in that same position today.

That is why language matters.

I understand why many Tibetans have painful feelings about speaking Chinese. For many, it is the language of oppression.

But I would offer another way of thinking about it.

Speak Tibetan at home. Preserve it, protect it, and pass it on to the next generation.

But when you step into the world, you are also an ambassador of Tibet.

An ambassador uses whatever language reaches the audience.

Chinese is not our identity. It is our tool.

Use it to tell the truth.

Use it to build understanding.

Use it to expand the circle of people who care about Tibet!

From our perspective, Tibet represents hope—not only for Tibetans, but for the future of democracy in the Chinese-speaking world. Tibetan organizations and activists have developed extraordinary experience building communities, preserving culture, and organizing across borders.

There is much that Chinese democracy advocates can learn from those efforts.

Likewise, if our experience communicating with Chinese audiences can help Tibetan organizations reach people they have struggled to reach before, we are eager to help.

If you ever need something to translate into Chinese, shared with Chinese-speaking audiences, or explained from the perspective of people inside China’s information system, please reach out to us.

We would be honored to work together.

Thank you!

Editor: Kathrine Lee
Speaker: Ginger Duan

Thanks to (Global Tibetan People’s Movement for Middle Way Approach, GTPMMA) for inviting us to give this speech!

The Speech recording：

本文改编自华语青年挺藏会（Chinese Youth Stand for Tibet）创始人段荆棘（Ginger Duan）于2026年6月在达兰萨拉举行的“汉藏关系国际会议”上发表的演讲及问答内容。

我是谁

我是中国人，汉人——请注意我不是台湾的汉人，也不是香港的汉人，而是在中国大陆出生长大的中国人。我的家乡在云南，那是一个族群非常多元的地方，也是汉地与藏区之间的交界地带。我从小和各种民族的同学、不同背景的朋友一起长大，很早就明白：不同的人有不同的想法，不同的族群有不同的信仰。可是，后来我到上海附近上大学，才意识到自己和来自北京、上海、广州等地的大多数同学想得不太一样。这大概就是我现在走上这条路的根源吧。

在藏区教书的日子

我与藏人的缘分，始于2018到2019年在安多藏区的（青海省）果洛州 拉加镇的吉美坚赞学校做技术员。我是从没学过政治学这样的文社科的，我是纯理科背景的人，很小就开始做电脑方面的事情。在学校里我算是电脑老师，也是全校师生的技术顾问。我甚至有自己的办公室开放时间，有学生和老师会抱着电脑、拿着各种电子设备来找我帮忙。正因为这份工作，我才有机会和很多老师深谈——如果我只是去藏区旅行，我绝不会有这些经历。

莽莽 MANG MANG

一所独立藏语民族学校的坚守与落幕——吉美坚赞民族职业学校的30年

本文字数约13400，阅读约需30分钟。…

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2 years ago · 32 likes · MANG MANG Editorial

在藏区教书的这段经历改变了我。我亲身经历了过检查站是什么滋味，看到中国政府用各种手段阻止学校老师在课堂上用藏语教学。中国政府总说”藏汉一家亲”，但他们却把这样的横幅挂在开上街头的坦克，用来镇压、控制、恐吓藏人。当我亲眼看见这些时，我不仅是难过，我心里非常困惑。

有一次过检查站，因为我喜欢到处拍照，当地警察觉得我可疑，搜查了我的手机，盘问我是谁。我吓坏了——那年我只有23岁，我故意拼命大声地用标准普通话回答，证明自己不是本地藏人，没打算做什么“出格”的事。我觉得那是我作为汉人拥有的某种特权。我至今对此心怀愧疚。

信息真空

常有人问我：”你为什么支持藏人？”我也经常问过自己这个问题——最开始是因为我感到有些事情不对劲，虽然我也说不清楚，但我有非常强烈的冲动，我想知道真相，我想知道藏区在历史上到底发生了什么。

可是在境内藏区，有效的信息极其有限。了解中国的人都知道长城防火墙。关于图伯特的信息审查尤其严厉——在中文互联网上搜索任何关于图伯特的内容，几乎什么有价值的信息都找不到，就像一个信息真空。即使我早就是做电脑老师的，会翻墙用谷歌，但可以找到的信息仍然远远不够。

我开始和身边在藏区及其他民族地区工作的朋友沟通，想弄清藏区到底在发生什么。我发现整个中文世界都充斥着关于藏区的各种谣言，而想查证一件事却找不到可靠的事实核实——中文互联网上就根本没有事实查核这种东西。关于中国的民族政策，能找到的全是政府的统一宣传：所谓56个民族是一家，大家团结一致建设美好国家。可我在藏区亲眼目睹的，完全不是宣传里说的那样的。

锚点报道

来到美国后，我心里想我要为藏人做点什么。于是我开始做社交媒体，写了很多知识启蒙的帖子。比如嘉乐顿珠先生是汉藏关系中非常重要的一位人物。他去年逝世时，中文世界几乎没有一篇像样的介绍他的文章，我们就写了第一篇。我们把这类文章叫做”锚点报道”——当你身处信息的汪洋，想找的东西却根本不存在时，我们放下第一个信息点、第一个数据点，就像抛下一只锚，希望由此让更多人开始谈论西藏议题，谈论嘉乐顿珠的历史、他做过的事，谈论中文世界还能做些什么。

这篇文章的主要作者、我的合作伙伴——张雅笛（Tara），去年夏天被捕了。这对我们挺藏会来说是毁灭性的打击。我们那个时候没有想过自己是在做专业的人权工作，完全没有思想准备她会面临如此残酷的刑罚迫害。她在挺藏会做了一年半的编辑，是一名在法国的留学生。她毕业后回国探望父母和朋友、过她22岁的生日，结果突然被捕，至今仍在羁押中。中国政府最爱用“分裂主义”这个词给她和我们这类人定罪，但我们认为对她的这个指控荒谬至极——她是一位非常温和的佛教徒，从未说过任何关于支持西藏独立的话。

独立还是中间道路？——这不是我们的问题

做这些工作时，很多人总是问我们：”你们支持西藏独立的，还是中间道路？” 而我们认为，我们是没有任何立场的——因为我们中的大多数人是地地道道的中国人。问我支不支持图伯特独立，就像我不是美国公民，你问我支不支持加州独立一样。那不是我们的问题，那是藏人自己的问题。

而且坦诚面对现实就是，无论是让赞（独立）还是中间道路，中国政府都不会接受的。任何为藏人发声的人他们都会不放过——像是张雅笛从不谈西藏独立，照样被扣上”分裂”的罪名。所以我们反而困惑：为什么藏人内部总是为走哪条路争执不休？现阶段有太多别的事更值得关注。

在开启有意义的对话之前，人们应该有可靠的信息来源。比如说，中文互联网上流言遍地，甚至在海外华人社区，太多的人仍然相信尊者达赖喇嘛是“最大农奴主”。这完全是一场文化战争，在中文世界，而我们过去的努力在这方面是比较不足的，我们并没有形成有效的反击。

中文里有句话叫“解铃还需系铃人”。我想是中国人制造了这一切矛盾和冲突，就应该或者说只能由中国人来收拾局面，解决西藏问题。无论是否愿意，六百万藏人的未来，很大程度上系于中国人之手。如果我们现在不在中文世界做点什么，事情只会更糟。我们感到这种紧迫，于是开始行动。

我们在做什么

我们的成员背景各异。我们的成员里有藏人，有在藏区出生长大的汉人，有曾经的政治犯，还有记者。把我们连在一起的，是我们都把中文当作有力的倡导工具。当我说”华语青年挺藏会”时，”华语”指的不是身份认同，而是语言——我们是说华语的青年，我们用华语这件”武器”来帮助藏人。

正在压迫藏人的人在说华语，正在网上攻击藏人，深信藏人以前都是奴隶的中国人都是在使用华语，所以我们用同样的语言能够最高效的击垮中国政府编制的谣言和误导手段。

在北加州的藏人社区中心，我们办过给境内藏人政治犯写明信片的活动，帮藏人朋友用中文填写地址、寄出明信片。

我们想填补的是信息鸿沟：一边是被大汉族主义笼罩的中文世界，一边是海外藏人和整个图伯特自由运动。我们想做桥梁。我还认识很多失去了母语的藏人——境内有太多藏人已经不会说藏语了，但他们渴望了解图伯特的一切，就像当年的我一样在网上拼命搜索。他们也经历着身份认同的危机，这种渴望驱使他们来找到我们的平台。我们想成为信息的桥梁，告诉他们境外的藏人在做什么、也告诉境外的人境内的藏区正在发生什么样的巨变！

我们在不同的学校发起”汉藏青年对话”，在斯坦福大学办过，在藏人社区中心也办过。有一次活动，我们让每个人在地图上标出自己的家乡——中国人用紫色便签，藏人用绿色——大家亲眼看到，我们离得有多近。那次我们得出一个很有意义的结论：别人来来去去，但我们永远是邻居。既然是邻居，总有一天我们就要想清楚：我们要一起做什么？我们要建设怎样的未来？我觉得这是我们的责任！

我们还写”辟谣帖”。中国政府的宣传机器让所有人相信：过去每个藏人都活在农奴制里，达赖喇嘛是最大的农奴主，解放军”金珠玛米”是救星；在中国政府的叙事里，藏人把中共当佛来拜。藏区之外的中国人对这套谎言深信不疑。我们就一条一条地拆解。我办过讲座，向中国人介绍藏人的民主。我用过一句很犀利的口号，能让中国人一秒钟就明白——”你以为的农奴，现在可以投票了。”很多中国人渴望民主，却仍然以为藏人落后、迷信、都是”农奴”。当他们读到藏人的民主是如何运作的，中共宣传机器几十年建起的叙事，一分钟内就被一篇帖子瓦解了。

我们还在用邮件列表突破长城防火墙——我们的文章通过电子报发送，可以被中国境内的读者收到。我们的读者分布在北京、内蒙古、香港、广州，甚至有藏区和东突厥斯坦境内的读者。而我们读者最多的城市是兰州——正是安多藏区与汉地的交界。这个读者版图非常耐人寻味，在中国的读者对我们的内容充满了兴趣，很多人根本没有一个可靠的渠道接触关于西藏的消息和知识的。

战略再定位

我认为过去的很多策略是成功的。藏人面向欧盟、联合国、美国的国际倡导很成功——雪山狮子旗飘扬在日内瓦、在华盛顿。让世界看见西藏问题，让从民间到官方充分认识西藏问题，从各方面帮助藏人对流亡中的藏人意义重大。

但这些做法把生活在中国政府统治下的人们落在了后面，无论是境内的藏人还是汉人。我们认为对中倡导正是未来可以做的事，我们需要一次战略再定位，全面升级对华倡导的手段和途径。

藏人应该认真考虑：去争取更多中国人加入你们的运动。现在的情形是，藏人在街头喊”China lie, people die”，或者用藏语呐喊“藏地属于藏人”——可绝大多数中国人不懂英语也不懂藏语，他们根本听不懂你们在说什么，只会觉得”举雪山狮子旗的都是藏独分子”。所以我们要在中文世界为图伯特倡导。我们的平台特意只用简体中文——用大陆中国人看得懂的语言和词汇去为图伯特发声，这一点对我们和我们的读者都极其重要。

有一位境内藏人托我在这里转达他们认为海外藏人应该做的事，核心就是一句话：你们要了解你的对手。要知道中国正在发生什么，要去和中国人、中国学生交谈，和他们交朋友，建立人与人直接的联系，去说服他们。中国人那么多，我们不需要每个中国人都支持我们的事业——只要能说服10%的中国人，就已经是巨大的助力，甚至可以说，西藏问题在未来的解决，很大程度就在其中。

有藏人青年问我：中国青年到底怎么看待图伯特议题？我办过汉藏对话，发现每个藏人参与者心里都有各种各样的词汇——文化灭绝、中间道路、民族自决——他们说得出自己在想什么。而中国学生谈到图伯特时，脑子里几乎是空的。他们唯一知道的是官方宣传，他们隐约觉得那不是真的，却没有答案。不过在海外受教育的中国学生学过反殖民化的历史，了解过南非、巴勒斯坦，他们心里有分析的“模型”。用这些反殖民化的模型去谈西藏的问题，会非常有效。曾经去藏区旅行过的人、像我一样在藏区边上长大的人、像张雅笛一样的佛教徒——这些人是你们最应该优先接触的群体，行动就从他们开始。

还有一点：海外藏人建的网站，大多数不太会用中文；老一辈有藏人中文说得不错，但那是一种”旧式”的中文，对年轻一代中国人没有说服力。所以我们挺藏会长期以来觉得，我们做的不是语言上的翻译，而是文化转译——隔阂不仅在语言，更是在文化。我们挺藏会愿意继续做这样的转译者，也希望帮助汉藏青年展开真正有意义的对话。

关于安全

在会上，有藏人朋友问我：你为图伯特发声，在安全上付出了什么代价？

两年前，中国政府关闭了我曾任教的青海果洛的拉加学校。我向媒体讲述了我在学校的经历，境内的藏人朋友设法联系到我，问我的第一句话和今天你们问的一模一样：“你在哪里？你安全吗？”

是的，我是安全的。我住在美国的加州，有工作，有人和我住在一起。 我知道跨国镇压是存在的，但我对自己的安全没有那么焦虑。在决定把一生投入图伯特自由事业之后，我做了一个决定：不再回中国，也不坐任何中国的航班。我明白从各个角度上来看，我是在流亡中生活，我现在也知道自己在做的事情很重要，所以我不会轻易的把自己置于任何危险的处境。

我的父母还在中国。有时我会为他们担心，但他们并不在中国政府或体制内工作，中国政府拿他们没什么办法。我经济独立，他们不知道该怎么控制我。警察曾经找过我妈妈，试图恐吓她。我妈妈是个很有智慧的人——她只读到初中，但她很有智慧。警察找到她，她问：”我女儿做了什么坏事？”警察说：”她写了很多反对政府、反对民族政策的文章。”我妈妈说：“啊！什么样的文章？能给我看看吗？我想读一读。”警察愣住说：“我们都没读过那些文章，你怎么能读？”我妈妈说：“你们没读过，怎么知道是坏文章？”

我妈妈信任我，虽然她不太知道我在做什么，但她知道我在做好的事情。我相信她能保护好自己。这一切我在开始行动之前就准备好了，当然了，这些都不是什么轻松的决定。

结语：恐惧是你的良民证

中国政府用谎言和恐惧统治人民。如果你让恐惧占据你的心，你就会顺从他们。我常对人说：恐惧就是你的中国护照（良民证）。如果你没有恐惧，你就没有中国护照了，他们对你的统治就失去意义了。

我们必须夺回话语权，中国政府的对西藏政策整个话语体系是用谎言搭建的。尊者常说，我们拥有的最强大的武器是真相。可是现在，真相都是用英文写的。当年在藏区的我，英文很差，只会中文和一点藏语——我接触不到真相，我看不懂。

我知道很多藏人不喜欢说汉语，即使会说也不愿意说，因为说中文让他们不舒服（是殖民者的语言）。但我想说：在家里，请说藏语，保护藏语，把他传承给你的下一代；可是当你走出家门，你就是藏民族的外交官。当你是外交官的时候，用什么语言不重要——语言只是一种装备，用什么语言取决于你的听众听得懂什么语言。我在这里要请你们把华语当作你的武器，去为真相而战，去为自由而战！

在我们看来，藏人也是中国民主化的希望，应当在我们两族自由运动的道路上领路。而藏人的人权团体和各种组织是所有反抗中共的海外异议群体的最佳榜样。请用你们的组织经验来教我们、帮助我们——我们可以一起做很多事。

有很多藏人青年正在组织和行动的第一线做着了不起的工作。如果你们需要把什么翻译成中文、或者用中文发布什么东西，或者想了解中国境内正在发生什么，请随时联系我们，我们很乐意帮忙，一起合作！

谢谢大家！

编辑：Wilson Xu 讲者：Ginger Duan

感谢中间道路民众运动（Global Tibetan People’s Movement for Middle Way Approach, GTPMMA）的邀请！

西藏的血葬了十道火焰
Flames of Tibet's Blood

献给西藏烈士的合唱颂歌
A Choral Ode to the Martyrs of Tibet
在雪域高原 群山巍然耸立
In the snow-clad plateau, where the majestic mountains stand tall,

一声祈祷仍在大地回响
A single prayer still echoes across the earth.

为了每位献出生命的灵魂
For every soul that laid down its life,

他们的希望超越了死亡
Their hope transcends death and endures forever.

已然长存

一百七十一道火焰
One hundred and seventy-one flames,

在风雨之中依然燃烧
Still burning amidst the wind and rain.

纵然身躯化作灰烬
Though their bodies turned to ash,

他们的勇气永远不灭
Their courage remains forever undying.

一百七十一颗心
One hundred and seventy-one hearts,

汇聚成同一个声音
Converging into one single voice.

他们为西藏奉献了一切
They gave everything for Tibet,

只愿自由永远延续
Praying only that freedom may endure forever.

他们是僧人 她们是尼姑
They are monks, they are nuns,

他们是父亲 她们是母亲
They are fathers, they are mothers,

她们是女儿 他们是儿子
They are daughters, they are sons.

不是为了仇恨 不是为了报复
Not for hatred, not for revenge,

而是为了真理尊严与希望
But for truth, dignity, and hope.

他们的牺牲化作一声祈祷
Their sacrifice transforms into a prayer,

世界永远无法忘记
Which the world can never forget.

让歌声飞向天空
Let the song fly to the skies,

让群山听见我们的呼唤
Let the mountains hear our call.

他们的牺牲永不褪色
Their sacrifice never fades,

他们的名字永不消失
Their names never disappear.

让西藏的旗帜高高飘扬
Let the flag of Tibet fly high,

让慈悲引领我们的道路
Let compassion guide our path,

直到西藏重获自由
Until Tibet regains its freedom,

他们的精神始终与我们同行
Their spirit walks with us always.

今天我们铭记每一位烈士
Today we remember every martyr,

每一个名字 每一个家庭 每一次牺牲
Every name, every family, every sacrifice.

今天我们向英雄 烈士让赞洛嘎 致以崇高的敬意
Today we pay our highest tribute to the hero and martyr, Jamphel Yeshi,

他的勇气 成为西藏历史中又一道不灭的火焰
His courage becomes yet another undying flame in the history of Tibet.

升起吧 升起吧
Rise, oh rise!

西藏的火焰永远闪耀
The flames of Tibet shine forever.

升起吧 升起吧
Rise, oh rise!

西藏的希望永远长存
The hope of Tibet endures forever.

从每一座山谷 从每一座高山 从每一颗心灵
From every valley, from every high mountain, from every heart,

我们共同歌唱
Together we sing:

一百七十一道火焰
One hundred and seventy-one flames,

一百七十一道梦想
One hundred and seventy-one dreams,

一个民族更加坚定 更加团结
A nation growing more resolute, more united.

你们的牺牲不是终点
Your sacrifice is not the end,

而是我们誓言的开始
But the beginning of our vow.

我们将传承你们的梦想
We will carry forward your dreams,

我们将延续你们的光芒
We will continue your light,

我们将守护西藏
We will guard Tibet, from today until forever.

从今天起到永远

愿所有烈士安息
May all the martyrs rest in peace.

愿真理战胜恐惧
May truth conquer fear.

愿慈悲战胜仇恨
May compassion conquer hatred.

愿正义战胜沉默
May justice conquer silence.

愿你牺牲 换来家国
May your sacrifice exchange for our homeland—

西藏万岁 自由西藏
Long live Tibet! Free Tibet!

西藏万岁 自由西藏
Long live Tibet! Free Tibet!

字幕：Wilson 发布：GD

今天是7月30日。距离我们的编辑张雅笛在藏地德钦被捕，整整一年了。

一年前的今天，是华语青年挺藏会的至暗时刻。雅笛——她的藏文名字叫旺措——因为热爱藏民族语言与文化，因为她的信仰和真诚， 在旅途中被带走，至今未归。

我们在此翻译刊出她的爱人、藏人音乐家 格桑雅培 于去年9月20日在脸书上用藏文写下的自述。文中包含着一个丈夫对妻子的深情：他们如何相遇，如何突破周遭人的非议，雅笛何以学会藏文，在藏地街头目睹藏语文的凋零，把对藏民族文化的热爱融入血肉。

邀您与我们一同读完这篇短文，感受这段跨越民族与年岁、穿过苦难与高墙的深情。也请记住她的名字——张雅笛，旺措。

直到今天，我未曾公开说过什么。

因为说出来，除了给相关的人带来伤害，别无益处。

然而如今，这件事已传得沸沸扬扬，我便想在网络上写一写我的妻子、我的爱人。

我们最开始遇见是在2023年5月27日，当时她才19岁，而我45岁。我们俩年龄差距很大，所以我不太确定。走进人群里，我感觉不太自在。后来慢慢地我习惯了，所以也就没什么了。

说实话，我一直试图远离汉人的食物和文化。但一次偶然的机会，我们相遇了，我意识到，无论我们是否同意，她那颗纯真的心与对藏语文的热爱都已融入她的骨子里。所以我给了她加倍的爱，我给她取了一个藏语名字叫“旺措”（དབང་མཚོ Wangtso）。她很喜欢这个名字，这个名字已经融进了她的血肉。

人们取笑我，嘲讽我，甚至我也遭受过恶语中伤和侮辱。他们告诉我，你至今不曾在汉人手下做事，固然难得，但现在你却和“汉女”处对象，可真是太可笑了。这句话说得没错，但真的很伤我心。尤其是“汉女”（音：加姆）这个词，格外伤我，更是伤她。但我别无选择，没有人能改变命运。我没有在汉人手下工作过，不是因为我不懂汉语，也不是因为我不喜欢钱，而是因为我有自己的个性，（保持）自己的个性对我来说很重要。总之，我和她的相遇导致我和几个好友疏远了。特别是我在比利时的老朋友芒托（མང་ཐོས Mangtoe）失去了联系。但纵使不再联系，我还是感觉和他很亲近。这些事，都只是我心中的悲欢离合罢了。

我在这里主要想说的是我妻子对我的民族倾注的爱，特别是对藏语文的深厚感情。从我们俩2023年相遇开始，她就知道藏文三十个字母，也了解了很多关于新疆和少数民族的困难等等。我们俩在一起大约两年后，她读写藏文已经没有任何困难。通过网课和我的帮助下，她甚至能用藏文写短篇文章。我脸书上有篇和我有关的藏语短文，你们可以找来看。她素来笃信佛法，甚至带着几分痴信，极爱去寺院佛殿修行礼拜，日常持诵不辍。有时恍惚之间，我竟觉得身旁是一位来自故乡的纯净牧女。

她每年都会回家探亲。去年她回家探亲时去了藏区，亲眼看到了藏语文的现状，孩子们在说什么语言，饭馆、商店、街道和高速公路等处藏文招牌都没有了，这些都深深的印在她的脑海里。所以她回到法国后心情很是沉重，哽咽着对我说她非常难过，她说："已经完了。"。从那以后，她学习藏文和民族文化的愿望比以前更强烈了。今年7月她又回去见父母，我怎么劝她都不听，她说她很想去拉萨。

但不幸的是，7月30日她在藏地的德钦被捕了。简单来说是因为你弱小又虔诚，又喜欢其他民族的语言和文化。而我就像只没有翅膀的鸟儿，只能东张西望，完全没办法飞起来，我想去救她却毫无办法。我眼下身心疲惫，俗事缠身，但我希望有一天所有人能知道她对我们（藏）民族的热爱和深情。如果仅仅因为喜欢一个民族的文化就要被抓，那么我们还能去哪里呢？我产生了一种除了在自己家里等死，什么都做不了的绝望。不允许有信仰、不允许学习母语、不许喜欢文化，甚至是不允许人有思想等等，这种极端专制的统治者除了中国政府，还能在哪里找到？

现在我自己的万千心绪涌上心头，暂且写到这里罢。

最后，我要对所有关心帮助我妻子旺措的人，衷心表示感谢。

热擦阿旦

正名格桑雅培

2025年09月20日

དེ་རིང་གི་བར་ངས་ཕྱིར་བསྒྲགས་གང་ཡང་བྱས་མེད།

གང་ཡིན་ཞེ་ན་ང་ཚོས་བྱས་པ་ཅན་དག་ལ་གནོད་སྐྱེལ་བ་ལས་ཕན་གང་ཡང་མི་ཐོག་པས་རྒྱུ་མཚན་ཡིན།

འོན་ཀྱང་ད་ནི་གནས་ཚུལ་འདི་ས་བསྒྲགས་གནམ་བསྒྲགས་ཡིན་པས་ངའི་ཆུང་མའམ་སྙིང་སྡུག་མའི་སྐོར་ཞིག་དྲ་ལམ་འདིར་འཇོག་འདོད་བྱུང་།

ངེད་གཉིས་༢༠༢༣/༠༥/༢༧ ཉིན་ཐོག་མར་ཐུག

དེ་དུས་ད་དུང་མོ་ལོ་བཅུ་དགུ་ལས་སོན་མེད། ང་སྐབས་དེར་ཞེ་ལྔ་རེད། ངེད་གཉིས་པར་ལོ་ཆེ་ཆུང་ཧ་ཅང་ཆེན་པོ་ཁྱད་ཡོད་སྟབས་ངའི་སེམས་སྐྱིད་པོ་སྐྱིད་པོ་ཞིག་མ་རེད། མི་ཚོགས་ཁྲོད་དུ་འགྲོ་དུས་ཀྱང་ཏོག་བདེ་ཞིག་ཁྱོན་ནས་མ་རེད། རེད་དེ་རིམ་བཞིན་གོམས་སོང་བས་སྐྱོན་གང་ཡང་མི་འདུག

དྲང་མོ་བཤད་ན་ཡུན་རིང་ཞིག་ནས་ད་བར་རྒྱ་ཟས་དང་རྒྱ་སྐད་རྒྱ་གཤིས་སོགས་ལ་ཐག་རིང་ཐབས་གང་ཐུབ་བྱས་པ་ཡིན། འོན་ཀྱང་སྟེས་དབང་ཞིག་གིས་ངེད་གཉིས་དེ་ལྟར་ཐུག་ནས་ངས་མོའི་ལྷད་མེད་པའི་སེམས་པ་དཀར་བོ་དང་བཅོས་མ་མ་ཡིན་པའི་བོད་སྐད་ཡིག་ལ་དུང་བ་དེ་ངེད་གཉིས་མཐུན་མིན་ལ་མ་ལྟོས་པར་ཤ་དང་ཁྲག་ལ་འབྱར་ཡོད་པ་ངས་གསལ་བོ་ཤེས་སོང་། དེའི་ཕྱིར་ངས་མོ་ལ་བརྩེ་བ་ལྷག་མ་སྤྲད་ཡོད། ངས་མོར་བོད་མིང་ཞིག་བཏགས་ཡོད། མོའི་བོད་མིང་ལ་དབང་མཚོ་ཟེར། མོ་མིང་འདི་ལ་ཧ་ཅང་དགའ། མིང་འདི་མོའི་ཤ་དང་ཁྲག་ལ་འཐིམ་ཡོད།

མི་ཚོས་ང་ལ་མི་དགའ་བའི་རྣམ་འགྱུར་དང་ཟུར་ཟ། ངོ་མཚང་ཡང་འདྲུ་མྱོང་ཡོད། འཕྱ་སྨོད་དང་བརླ་བཙགས་པ་སོགས་ཀྱང་གོ་མྱོང་ཡོད།

མི་ཚོས་ང་ལ་ཁྱོད་ཀྱིས་ད་བར་དུ་རྒྱའི་འོག་ཏུ་ལས་ཀ་མ་བྱས་པ་བཟང་མོད་ཀྱང་ད་ལྟ་རྒྱ་མོ་ཞིག་ལ་འགྲོགས་པ་འདི་ཁེ་མཚར་རེད་ཟེར། ཚིག་འདི་བདེན་པ་ཡིན་ཡང་ང་ལ་ཧ་ཅང་གནོད། ལྷག་པར་རྒྱ་མོ་ཞེས་པའི་ཚིག་འདི་ང་ལ་ཧ་ཅང་གནོད། མོ་ལ་དེ་བས་ཀྱང་གནོད། འོན་ཀྱང་ང་ལ་བྱ་ཐབས་ཟད། ལས་ལ་སུས་ཀྱང་འགྱུར་བ་གཏོང་མི་ཐུབ། ངས་རྒྱའི་འོག་ཏུ་ལས་ཀ་མ་བྱས་པ་དེ་ངས་རྒྱ་སྐད་མ་ཤེས་པ་མིན་ལ་སྒོར་མོར་མ་དགའ་བ་དེ་བས་ཀྱང་མིན། རེད་དེ་ང་ལ་རང་གི་གཤིས་ཀ་ཡོད། རང་གི་གཤིས་ཀ་དེར་རང་ལ་རིན་ཐང་ཆེ། གང་ལྟར་ང་མོ་དང་ཕྲད་པའི་ལས་འདིས་རྐྱེན་གྱིས་ང་དང་གྲོགས་ཁ་ཤས་ཁ་ཐག་རིང་དུ་ཕྱིན། དམིགས་བསལ་པྷེལ་ལྗམ་དུ་གནས་སྡོད་བྱས་པའི་ངའི་གྲོགས་བཟང་མང་ཐོས་དང་ཁ་གཏམ་ཆད། ཁ་གཏམ་མེད་པ་ཙམ་ལས་ང་ཁོ་ལ་ཧ་ཅང་སེམས་ཐག་ཉེ། གནས་སྟངས་འདི་ཚོ་སྤྱིར་ངའི་སེམས་ཀྱི་དགའ་སྐྱོ་ཆགས་སྡང་ཙམ་ཡིན།

འདིར་ངས་བཤད་འདོད་པ་གཙོ་བོ་ནི་ངའི་ཆུང་མས་རང་མི་རིགས་ལ་བཅང་བའི་བརྩེ་བ་དང་ལྷག་པར་བོད་སྐད་ཡིག་ལ་དུང་བའི་ཚོར་ཤུགས་དྲག་པོ་དེ་ཡིན། ངེད་གཉིས་༢༠༢༣་ལོར་ཐུག་དུས་ནས་མོས་ཀ་སྨད་སུམ་ཅུ་དང་གྲངས་ཉུང་མི་རིགས་དག་གི་དཀའ་ངལ་སོགས་ཧ་ཅང་མང་བོ་ཞིག་ཤེས་ཀྱིན་འདུག ངེད་གཉིས་འགྲོགས་ཏེ་ངོ་ལོ་གཉིས་ཙམ་ནས་བོད་ཡིག་འབྲི་བ་དང་ཀློག་པ་སོགས་ལ་དཀའ་ངལ་གང་ཡང་མེད། དྲ་ལམ་སློབ་ཁྲིད་དང་ངས་བསླབས་པ་སོགས་ལ་བསྟེན་ནས་བོད་ཡིག་ནང་རྩོམ་ཐུང་རེའང་འབྲི་ཤེས་ཀྱིན་ཡོད། ང་དང་འབྲེལ་བའི་རྩོམ་ཐུང་རེ་ངའི་ངོ་དེབ་བརྒྱུད་ན་གསལ། སྤྱིར་མོ་ཆོས་སེམས་ཆེན་པོ་ཡོད་པའི་ཁར་རྨོངས་དད་ཀྱང་ཅུང་ཙམ་ཆེ། དགོན་པ་དང་ལྷ་ཁང་སོགས་ལ་སོང་སྟེ་ཆོས་སྒྲུབ་པར་ཧ་ཅང་དགའ། ཁ་འདོན་རྒྱུན་དུ་བྱེད། མཚམས་ལ་རེར་ང་ཕ་ཡུལ་གྱི་འབྲོག་མོ་དག་མ་ཞིག་དང་མཉམ་དུ་ཡོད་སྣང་སྐྱེས་སུ་འཇུག

ལོ་རྟག་པར་མོ་ཕ་མར་ཐུག་པར་འགྲོ་བཞིན་ཡོད། ན་ནིང་མོ་ནང་མིར་ཐུག་ཞོར་དུ་བོད་ལ་སོང་། བོད་དུ་སོང་དུས་བོད་སྐད་ཡིག་གི་གནས་སྟངས་མོས་དངོས་སུ་མཐོང་ཡོད། བྱིས་པ་ཚོས་སྐད་ཡིག་གང་ཤོད་ཀྱིན་ཡོད་པ་དང་ཟ་ཁང་དང་ཚོང་ཁང་། སྲང་ལམ་དང་མྱུར་ལམ་སོགས་ཀྱི་བོད་ཡིག་གི་གོད་ཆག་ཡོངས་སུ་ཁོ་མོའི་སེམས་ན་ཐང་ཁྲོམ་བཀྲམས་པ་བཞིན་གསལ་ཐང་ངེར་ཡོད་སྟབས་མོ་ཕྱིར་ཧྥ་རན་སུ་ལ་ཐོན་དུས་ཡིད་རྨུགས་ཏེ་མགྲིན་པ་དངངས་བཞིན་ང་ལ་སྐྱོ་ཉམས་ཆེན་པོས་ད་ཚར་འདུག་ཟེར། དེ་ནས་བཟུང་མོས་བོད་ཡིག་དང་མི་རིགས་རིག་པ་སོགས་ལ་སྦྱོང་འདོད་སྔར་ལས་ཆེ་རུ་ཕྱིན། ད་ལོ་ཡང་ཟླ་བདུན་པར་མོ་ཕ་མར་ཐུག་པར་སོང་། ངས་ཇི་ཙམ་བཤད་ཀྱང་མ་ཉན་པར་མོ་ལྷ་སར་འགྲོ་དགོས་ཟེར། འོན་ཀྱང་སྟབས་མ་ལེགས་པར་ཟླ་བདུན་པའི་ཚེས་སུམ་ཅུའི་ཉིན་བོད་བདེ་ཆེན་ནས་འཛིན་བཟུང་བྱས་འདུག རྒྱུ་མཚན་མདོར་དེད་ན་ཁྱོད་ཉམ་ཆུང་ཞིང་ཆོས་སེམས་ཆེ་བ། མི་རིགས་གཞན་གྱི་སྐད་ཡིག་དང་རིག་གནས་ལ་དགའ་བ་སོགས་ཀྱི་རྐྱེན་གྱིས་རེད། འོན་ཀྱང་ང་ནི་བྱེའུ་གཤོགས་མེད་བཞིན་ཡར་ལྟ་མར་ལྟ་བྱེད་པ་ལས་རང་ཉིད་འཕུར་ཐབས་དང་ཁོ་མོ་སྐྱོབ་ཐབས་ཤིག་ཁྱོན་ནས་མི་འདུག ལུས་སེམས་བདེ་ཐང་དང་ལས་ཀའི་བྲེལ་ཚུབ་ཀྱི་དབང་གིས་གནས་སྐབས་མི་འཇོན་ཡང་ནམ་ཞིག་མོའི་རང་མི་རིགས་ལ་བཅང་བའི་བརྩེ་དུང་ཀུན་གྱིས་ཤེས་པ་བྱེད་པར་འདོད་ཡོད། མི་རིགས་ཤིག་གི་རིག་གནས་ལ་དགའ་བ་ཙམ་གྱིས་འཛིན་བཟུང་བྱེད་ཀྱིན་ཡོད་ན་ད་ནི་ང་ཚོ་གང་ལ་འགྲོ་དགོས་རེད་དམ། རང་ཁྱིམ་ནས་ཤི་སྒུག་བྱེད་པ་ལས་གནས་གཞན་ལ་འགྲོ་ཐབས་མེད་པའི་ཚོར་བ་ཞིག་ངང་གིས་སྐྱེས་ཡོང་། དད་པ་བྱེད་མི་ཆོག་པ། སྐད་ཡིག་སྦྱོང་མི་ཆོག་པ། རིག་གནས་ལ་དགའ་མི་ཆོག་པ། མདོར་ན་མི་ལ་སེམས་ཡོད་མི་ཆོག་པ་སོགས་ཧ་ཅང་ཐལ་དྲགས་པའི་གཞུང་འཛིན་པ་འདི་དག་རྒྱ་གཞུང་ལས་གཞན་གང་ནས་རྙེད།

ད་ཡང་ངའི་རང་ཉིད་ཀྱི་ཚོར་བ་ཐོན་ཡོང་སྟབས་རེ་ཞིག་འབྲི་མཚམས་འདི་ནས་འཇོག

མཇུག་མཐར་ངའི་ཆུང་མ་དབང་མཚོ་ལ་སེམས་ཁུར་རོགས་རམ་བྱེད་མཁན་ཡོང་ལ་སྙིང་ནས་བཀའ་དྲིན་ཆེ་ཞུ།

ར་ཚ་ཨ་བརྟན། མིང་དངོས་སྐལ་བཟང་ཡར་འཕེལ་གྱིས་ ༢༠/༠༩/༢༠༢༥ ཉིན།

本译文经原作者知情同意后发布，照片来源于公开资料。

Tibet Times| Young Chinese Woman with Avowed Affection for Tibetans Arrested and Disappeared

Facebook post | འདན་མ་ བྱང་ཁྲ ‘s post

Today is July 30. It has been exactly one year since our editor Zhang Yadi was arrested in Dechen, Tibet.

One year ago today was the darkest hour for Chinese Youth stand for Tibet. Yadi—her Tibetan name is Wangtso—was taken away mid-journey because of her love for the Tibetan language and culture, because of her faith and her sincerity. She has not returned untill now.

We publish here a translation of a post written in Tibetan by her husband, Tibetan musician Kalsang Yarphel, posted on Facebook on September 20 of last year. It carries a husband’s deep love for his wife: how they met, how they withstood the disapproval of those around them, how Yadi came to learn Tibetan, how she witnessed the withering of the Tibetan language on the streets of Tibet and made her love for Tibetan culture part of her flesh and blood.

We invite you to read this short piece with us, and to feel a love that crosses ethnicity and age, that endures through suffering and past high walls. And please remember her name—Tara Zhang Yadi, Wangtso.

Until today, I have said nothing publicly.

To speak, I believed, would only bring harm to those involved and no good.

But now that everyone knows what happened, I want to write something here, on this page, about my wife - the woman I love.

We first met on May 27, 2023.

She was only nineteen then; I was forty-five. The gulf between our ages left me uneasy, and in a crowd I felt anything but comfortable. But slowly I grew used to it, and found no fault in it after all.

To be honest, for a long time I had kept my distance, as far as I could manage, from Chinese food, the Chinese language, Chinese ways. And yet fate arranged for us to meet just so. I came to see clearly that her pure, unblemished heart, and her unaffected devotion to the Tibetan language, had entered her very flesh and blood - whether or not the two of us were suited to each other had nothing to do with it. And so I gave her extra love. I gave her a Tibetan name: དབང་མཚོ Wangtso. She adores the name. This name has seeped into her flesh and blood.

People have shown me their distaste, their sidelong sneers; they have dredged up my failings. I have heard the mockery and the whispering.

Some said to me: “It’s admirable that you’ve never worked under the Chinese -— but now you’ve taken up with a Chinese woman. What a joke.” The words were true, and they cut me deeply. The word Gya Mo — “Han woman” — wounded me most of all, and wounded her still more. But there was nothing I could do. No one can alter karma. That I have never worked under the Chinese is not because I don’t speak the language, still less because I don’t care for money. It is only that I have my own nature, and I hold that nature dear. In any case, because of this turn of fate - my meeting her - I drifted apart from certain friends. With Mangtho, a dear friend living in Belgium, I fell out of touch entirely. We no longer speak, but in my heart I remain close to him. All of this, in the end, is merely my own private ledger of joys and sorrows, loves and resentments.

What I most want to share here is the love my wife bears for our people, and above all the fierce tenderness she feels for the Tibetan language. When we met in 2023, she already knew the 30 letters of the Tibetan alphabet and understood a great deal about the sufferings endured by us minority peoples. After about two years together, reading and writing Tibetan gave her no trouble at all. With online lessons and my own assistant, she could even compose short essays in Tibetan. A few of them, about me, can be found on my Facebook page. She is deeply devout - superstitious, even, to a degree - and loves nothing more than visiting monasteries and temples to practice; she recites her prayers daily. There are moments when I have the sudden sense that I am sitting beside a pure-hearted nomad girl from my homeland.

Every year she travels back to visit her parents. Last year, alongside the family visit, she went to Tibet. There she saw with her own eyes the state of the Tibetan language: what tongue the children were speaking, the ruin of Tibetan script in the restaurants and shops, the streets and the highways - all of it spread out in her mind, vivid as an unrolled painting. When she returned to France, she was dazed, and she said to me, “It’s over,” her voice breaking with grief. From then on, her desire to study Tibetan language and culture grew stronger than ever. This July she went back again to see her parents. However much I pleaded, she would not listen; she insisted on going to Lhasa.

And then, on July 30, misfortune: she was seized in Dechen, in Tibet. The reasons, reduced to their essence, are these: that you are powerless and devout; that you love the Tibetan people’s language and culture. And I - like a bird without wings, I can only look up and look down, utterly without a way to fly, without a way to save her. Between my failing health and the pressure of work, I can do little for now, but one day I intend to make known to everyone the love she bears for our people. If a person can be arrested merely for loving a people’s culture, then where are we supposed to go? A feeling rises in me unbidden - that there is nowhere left to flee, nothing to do but sit at home and wait for death. Forbidden to believe. Forbidden to learn a language. Forbidden to love a culture. Forbidden, in short, to have a heart for other human beings. Where in the world would you find a government carried to such extremes, if not the government of China?

My own feelings are welling up again now, so I will set down my pen here for the time being.

Finally, to everyone who has shown concern for my wife, Wangtso, and offered her help: my thanks, from the bottom of my heart.

Ratsa Aten
(real name: Kalsang Yarphel)

September 20, 2025

དེ་རིང་གི་བར་ངས་ཕྱིར་བསྒྲགས་གང་ཡང་བྱས་མེད།

གང་ཡིན་ཞེ་ན་ང་ཚོས་བྱས་པ་ཅན་དག་ལ་གནོད་སྐྱེལ་བ་ལས་ཕན་གང་ཡང་མི་ཐོག་པས་རྒྱུ་མཚན་ཡིན།

འོན་ཀྱང་ད་ནི་གནས་ཚུལ་འདི་ས་བསྒྲགས་གནམ་བསྒྲགས་ཡིན་པས་ངའི་ཆུང་མའམ་སྙིང་སྡུག་མའི་སྐོར་ཞིག་དྲ་ལམ་འདིར་འཇོག་འདོད་བྱུང་།

ངེད་གཉིས་༢༠༢༣/༠༥/༢༧ ཉིན་ཐོག་མར་ཐུག

དེ་དུས་ད་དུང་མོ་ལོ་བཅུ་དགུ་ལས་སོན་མེད། ང་སྐབས་དེར་ཞེ་ལྔ་རེད། ངེད་གཉིས་པར་ལོ་ཆེ་ཆུང་ཧ་ཅང་ཆེན་པོ་ཁྱད་ཡོད་སྟབས་ངའི་སེམས་སྐྱིད་པོ་སྐྱིད་པོ་ཞིག་མ་རེད། མི་ཚོགས་ཁྲོད་དུ་འགྲོ་དུས་ཀྱང་ཏོག་བདེ་ཞིག་ཁྱོན་ནས་མ་རེད། རེད་དེ་རིམ་བཞིན་གོམས་སོང་བས་སྐྱོན་གང་ཡང་མི་འདུག

དྲང་མོ་བཤད་ན་ཡུན་རིང་ཞིག་ནས་ད་བར་རྒྱ་ཟས་དང་རྒྱ་སྐད་རྒྱ་གཤིས་སོགས་ལ་ཐག་རིང་ཐབས་གང་ཐུབ་བྱས་པ་ཡིན། འོན་ཀྱང་སྟེས་དབང་ཞིག་གིས་ངེད་གཉིས་དེ་ལྟར་ཐུག་ནས་ངས་མོའི་ལྷད་མེད་པའི་སེམས་པ་དཀར་བོ་དང་བཅོས་མ་མ་ཡིན་པའི་བོད་སྐད་ཡིག་ལ་དུང་བ་དེ་ངེད་གཉིས་མཐུན་མིན་ལ་མ་ལྟོས་པར་ཤ་དང་ཁྲག་ལ་འབྱར་ཡོད་པ་ངས་གསལ་བོ་ཤེས་སོང་། དེའི་ཕྱིར་ངས་མོ་ལ་བརྩེ་བ་ལྷག་མ་སྤྲད་ཡོད། ངས་མོར་བོད་མིང་ཞིག་བཏགས་ཡོད། མོའི་བོད་མིང་ལ་དབང་མཚོ་ཟེར། མོ་མིང་འདི་ལ་ཧ་ཅང་དགའ། མིང་འདི་མོའི་ཤ་དང་ཁྲག་ལ་འཐིམ་ཡོད།

མི་ཚོས་ང་ལ་མི་དགའ་བའི་རྣམ་འགྱུར་དང་ཟུར་ཟ། ངོ་མཚང་ཡང་འདྲུ་མྱོང་ཡོད། འཕྱ་སྨོད་དང་བརླ་བཙགས་པ་སོགས་ཀྱང་གོ་མྱོང་ཡོད།

མི་ཚོས་ང་ལ་ཁྱོད་ཀྱིས་ད་བར་དུ་རྒྱའི་འོག་ཏུ་ལས་ཀ་མ་བྱས་པ་བཟང་མོད་ཀྱང་ད་ལྟ་རྒྱ་མོ་ཞིག་ལ་འགྲོགས་པ་འདི་ཁེ་མཚར་རེད་ཟེར། ཚིག་འདི་བདེན་པ་ཡིན་ཡང་ང་ལ་ཧ་ཅང་གནོད། ལྷག་པར་རྒྱ་མོ་ཞེས་པའི་ཚིག་འདི་ང་ལ་ཧ་ཅང་གནོད། མོ་ལ་དེ་བས་ཀྱང་གནོད། འོན་ཀྱང་ང་ལ་བྱ་ཐབས་ཟད། ལས་ལ་སུས་ཀྱང་འགྱུར་བ་གཏོང་མི་ཐུབ། ངས་རྒྱའི་འོག་ཏུ་ལས་ཀ་མ་བྱས་པ་དེ་ངས་རྒྱ་སྐད་མ་ཤེས་པ་མིན་ལ་སྒོར་མོར་མ་དགའ་བ་དེ་བས་ཀྱང་མིན། རེད་དེ་ང་ལ་རང་གི་གཤིས་ཀ་ཡོད། རང་གི་གཤིས་ཀ་དེར་རང་ལ་རིན་ཐང་ཆེ། གང་ལྟར་ང་མོ་དང་ཕྲད་པའི་ལས་འདིས་རྐྱེན་གྱིས་ང་དང་གྲོགས་ཁ་ཤས་ཁ་ཐག་རིང་དུ་ཕྱིན། དམིགས་བསལ་པྷེལ་ལྗམ་དུ་གནས་སྡོད་བྱས་པའི་ངའི་གྲོགས་བཟང་མང་ཐོས་དང་ཁ་གཏམ་ཆད། ཁ་གཏམ་མེད་པ་ཙམ་ལས་ང་ཁོ་ལ་ཧ་ཅང་སེམས་ཐག་ཉེ། གནས་སྟངས་འདི་ཚོ་སྤྱིར་ངའི་སེམས་ཀྱི་དགའ་སྐྱོ་ཆགས་སྡང་ཙམ་ཡིན།

འདིར་ངས་བཤད་འདོད་པ་གཙོ་བོ་ནི་ངའི་ཆུང་མས་རང་མི་རིགས་ལ་བཅང་བའི་བརྩེ་བ་དང་ལྷག་པར་བོད་སྐད་ཡིག་ལ་དུང་བའི་ཚོར་ཤུགས་དྲག་པོ་དེ་ཡིན། ངེད་གཉིས་༢༠༢༣་ལོར་ཐུག་དུས་ནས་མོས་ཀ་སྨད་སུམ་ཅུ་དང་གྲངས་ཉུང་མི་རིགས་དག་གི་དཀའ་ངལ་སོགས་ཧ་ཅང་མང་བོ་ཞིག་ཤེས་ཀྱིན་འདུག ངེད་གཉིས་འགྲོགས་ཏེ་ངོ་ལོ་གཉིས་ཙམ་ནས་བོད་ཡིག་འབྲི་བ་དང་ཀློག་པ་སོགས་ལ་དཀའ་ངལ་གང་ཡང་མེད། དྲ་ལམ་སློབ་ཁྲིད་དང་ངས་བསླབས་པ་སོགས་ལ་བསྟེན་ནས་བོད་ཡིག་ནང་རྩོམ་ཐུང་རེའང་འབྲི་ཤེས་ཀྱིན་ཡོད། ང་དང་འབྲེལ་བའི་རྩོམ་ཐུང་རེ་ངའི་ངོ་དེབ་བརྒྱུད་ན་གསལ། སྤྱིར་མོ་ཆོས་སེམས་ཆེན་པོ་ཡོད་པའི་ཁར་རྨོངས་དད་ཀྱང་ཅུང་ཙམ་ཆེ། དགོན་པ་དང་ལྷ་ཁང་སོགས་ལ་སོང་སྟེ་ཆོས་སྒྲུབ་པར་ཧ་ཅང་དགའ། ཁ་འདོན་རྒྱུན་དུ་བྱེད། མཚམས་ལ་རེར་ང་ཕ་ཡུལ་གྱི་འབྲོག་མོ་དག་མ་ཞིག་དང་མཉམ་དུ་ཡོད་སྣང་སྐྱེས་སུ་འཇུག

ལོ་རྟག་པར་མོ་ཕ་མར་ཐུག་པར་འགྲོ་བཞིན་ཡོད། ན་ནིང་མོ་ནང་མིར་ཐུག་ཞོར་དུ་བོད་ལ་སོང་། བོད་དུ་སོང་དུས་བོད་སྐད་ཡིག་གི་གནས་སྟངས་མོས་དངོས་སུ་མཐོང་ཡོད། བྱིས་པ་ཚོས་སྐད་ཡིག་གང་ཤོད་ཀྱིན་ཡོད་པ་དང་ཟ་ཁང་དང་ཚོང་ཁང་། སྲང་ལམ་དང་མྱུར་ལམ་སོགས་ཀྱི་བོད་ཡིག་གི་གོད་ཆག་ཡོངས་སུ་ཁོ་མོའི་སེམས་ན་ཐང་ཁྲོམ་བཀྲམས་པ་བཞིན་གསལ་ཐང་ངེར་ཡོད་སྟབས་མོ་ཕྱིར་ཧྥ་རན་སུ་ལ་ཐོན་དུས་ཡིད་རྨུགས་ཏེ་མགྲིན་པ་དངངས་བཞིན་ང་ལ་སྐྱོ་ཉམས་ཆེན་པོས་ད་ཚར་འདུག་ཟེར། དེ་ནས་བཟུང་མོས་བོད་ཡིག་དང་མི་རིགས་རིག་པ་སོགས་ལ་སྦྱོང་འདོད་སྔར་ལས་ཆེ་རུ་ཕྱིན། ད་ལོ་ཡང་ཟླ་བདུན་པར་མོ་ཕ་མར་ཐུག་པར་སོང་། ངས་ཇི་ཙམ་བཤད་ཀྱང་མ་ཉན་པར་མོ་ལྷ་སར་འགྲོ་དགོས་ཟེར། འོན་ཀྱང་སྟབས་མ་ལེགས་པར་ཟླ་བདུན་པའི་ཚེས་སུམ་ཅུའི་ཉིན་བོད་བདེ་ཆེན་ནས་འཛིན་བཟུང་བྱས་འདུག རྒྱུ་མཚན་མདོར་དེད་ན་ཁྱོད་ཉམ་ཆུང་ཞིང་ཆོས་སེམས་ཆེ་བ། མི་རིགས་གཞན་གྱི་སྐད་ཡིག་དང་རིག་གནས་ལ་དགའ་བ་སོགས་ཀྱི་རྐྱེན་གྱིས་རེད། འོན་ཀྱང་ང་ནི་བྱེའུ་གཤོགས་མེད་བཞིན་ཡར་ལྟ་མར་ལྟ་བྱེད་པ་ལས་རང་ཉིད་འཕུར་ཐབས་དང་ཁོ་མོ་སྐྱོབ་ཐབས་ཤིག་ཁྱོན་ནས་མི་འདུག ལུས་སེམས་བདེ་ཐང་དང་ལས་ཀའི་བྲེལ་ཚུབ་ཀྱི་དབང་གིས་གནས་སྐབས་མི་འཇོན་ཡང་ནམ་ཞིག་མོའི་རང་མི་རིགས་ལ་བཅང་བའི་བརྩེ་དུང་ཀུན་གྱིས་ཤེས་པ་བྱེད་པར་འདོད་ཡོད། མི་རིགས་ཤིག་གི་རིག་གནས་ལ་དགའ་བ་ཙམ་གྱིས་འཛིན་བཟུང་བྱེད་ཀྱིན་ཡོད་ན་ད་ནི་ང་ཚོ་གང་ལ་འགྲོ་དགོས་རེད་དམ། རང་ཁྱིམ་ནས་ཤི་སྒུག་བྱེད་པ་ལས་གནས་གཞན་ལ་འགྲོ་ཐབས་མེད་པའི་ཚོར་བ་ཞིག་ངང་གིས་སྐྱེས་ཡོང་། དད་པ་བྱེད་མི་ཆོག་པ། སྐད་ཡིག་སྦྱོང་མི་ཆོག་པ། རིག་གནས་ལ་དགའ་མི་ཆོག་པ། མདོར་ན་མི་ལ་སེམས་ཡོད་མི་ཆོག་པ་སོགས་ཧ་ཅང་ཐལ་དྲགས་པའི་གཞུང་འཛིན་པ་འདི་དག་རྒྱ་གཞུང་ལས་གཞན་གང་ནས་རྙེད།

ད་ཡང་ངའི་རང་ཉིད་ཀྱི་ཚོར་བ་ཐོན་ཡོང་སྟབས་རེ་ཞིག་འབྲི་མཚམས་འདི་ནས་འཇོག

མཇུག་མཐར་ངའི་ཆུང་མ་དབང་མཚོ་ལ་སེམས་ཁུར་རོགས་རམ་བྱེད་མཁན་ཡོང་ལ་སྙིང་ནས་བཀའ་དྲིན་ཆེ་ཞུ།

ར་ཚ་ཨ་བརྟན། མིང་དངོས་སྐལ་བཟང་ཡར་འཕེལ་གྱིས་ ༢༠/༠༩/༢༠༢༥ ཉིན།

This translation is published with the original author's informed consent. The photographs are from publicly available sources.

Tibet Times| Young Chinese Woman with Avowed Affection for Tibetans Arrested and Disappeared

Facebook | འདན་མ་ བྱང་ཁྲ 's post

我接受了世界苦茶主播李厚辰的采访，详细地介绍了、分析了本次自焚事件的背景和原因，同时我也谈了谈海外流亡藏人社区的现状。请大家传看，也欢迎批评指正，我期待和大家交流！

华人艺术家巴丢草在事发后作画：并说图伯特独立万岁！

我们挺藏会做了一套中英文的传单，如果你被洛嘎让赞的行动打动，想要身体力行的行动起来，你可以打印以下的传单，把它发给集会现场的人，尤其是不明真相的中国人们，叫醒他们，为藏汉两族的自由和正义事业而战：

如果你想得到这个海报的源文件进行再编辑，请与我们联络：admin@lhasaspring.org

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推荐一部古早的纪录片：

《雪域烈焰》是一部由美国之音制作的纪录片，主要探讨自2009年起在中国藏区发生的150余起藏人自焚抗议浪潮。该片记录了这些自焚事件背后，藏人为了抗议高压管控与宗教限制而付出的极端代价。

点击观看

自2009年2月以来，中国藏区（尤其是四川阿坝、甘肃、青海等地）陆续发生藏人为了表达政治诉求而自焚的抗议浪潮。这场被外界视为近代史上最惨烈的抗议浪潮中，自焚者多为僧尼与农牧民，他们强烈要求恢复西藏的宗教自由，并呼吁让流亡精神领袖达赖喇嘛返回西藏。

推荐两本书：

维色的《火凤凰》只有电子版

公民力量出的《浴火袈裟》，季风书店还有卖

最后，摘录索巴仁波切遗嘱全文：

国内外六百万藏人兄弟姐妹们，在此，我向为藏人的自由而牺牲的以图丹欧珠[1]为主的英雄们、为六百万藏人的团聚和藏地的幸福而献出宝贵生命的英雄儿女们，表示无比地感谢和钦佩。我已经四十多岁，一直没有勇气像你们那样做，以致苟活到今天。所幸的是，我也努力地为藏文化的大五明及小五明的弘扬做了一些贡献。

在21世纪尤其今年，是雪域的许多英雄儿女献出宝贵生命的一年，我也愿贡献自己的血肉来表示支援和敬意。我的牺牲不是为了显示自己有多么伟大，我诚心诚意地忏悔所犯三昧耶戒以及一切罪业，特别是金刚密乘的誓言戒——不允许对自身的虐待和牺牲，我在此虔诚忏悔。

一切众生未有不曾做过我们的父母，无边的众生由于业际颠倒，做下了不可饶恕的罪业，我诚心诚意地为他们清净业障。并且我发愿，希望遍法界的一切众生，乃至如虱子等一切微小众生，临终时未有恐惧，不受痛苦，往生无量光佛的身边，获得圆满正等正觉的果位。因此我愿供养自己的寿命和身体。也为了人天导师尊者达赖喇嘛丹增嘉措为主的所有高僧大德长久住世，而把我的寿命、身体化作曼札供奉给他们。

诸香涂地缤纷雨妙花
严饰须弥四洲并日月
观想变现供养诸佛刹
修习愿达诸佛清净刹
（译者注：以上是曼札偈）

自他身语意三世善法、珠宝、妙善、曼札、普贤诸云供意幻供养上师三宝尊，慈悲摄受赐予我加持：“俄当，格热，然那曼札拉，康呢尔亚，答亚么”。（译者注：此为曼札偈咒语）

再次说明，我做出这一行为，绝无贪图名誉、恭敬、爱戴等自私自利的心态，而是清净的，虔诚的，如佛陀当年舍身饲虎一般，其他牺牲的藏人同胞也是如我一般，为了真理和自由而舍生取义。

事实上临终之际，若有嗔恨心很难得解脱，因此我希望我能做他们的引导者，愿以此供养的功德和力量使一切众生未来获得究竟佛的果位；并为国内外诸多高僧大德长久住世，尤其希望尊者达赖喇嘛丹增嘉措为了雪域政教永世长存：

雪山绵延环绕的净土
一切利乐事业之缘源
丹增嘉措慈悲观世音
愿其足莲恒久住百劫
（愿事业如日中天）
（译者注：此为尊者达赖喇嘛长寿祈请文）

愿恶缘毁坏教法者
业际颠倒有形无形
思想行为入恶劣者
三宝谛实加持永断除
（译者注：此为尊者达赖喇嘛所著的雪域祈祷文）

（愿此等善法等两偈，略）

殊胜之最发愿王
利益无边诸众生
圆满普贤行愿力
三恶道众尽解脱

达雅塔，班赞哲雅阿瓦波达呢耶所哈。（成就所愿咒，念诵了三遍）

呀！诸多的金刚道友和各地的信徒们，大家要团结一致，同心协力，为雪域藏人未来的自由，为藏地真正成为我们自己的家园，为这样的曙光，大家要团结一致，为了这个共同目标而奋斗，这也是所有献出宝贵生命的英雄们的心愿，因此无利益的一切行径必须要放弃，比如那些为了争夺草山而自相争斗等。

年轻的藏人要努力、勤奋地学习十明等藏人的文化及理论知识，年老的藏人也要把自己的身口意融入到善法之中，大家要共同弘扬和发展我们民族传统的文化、语言、文字、风俗习惯等，大家都要力所能及地，为了藏人的幸福和一切众生暂时获得世间圆满以至究竟获得佛的果位而多做善事，这非常重要，祝愿大家吉祥如意！

我还要告诉我的家人和亲朋好友、×××（译者注：提到一个名字但听不清楚）：我身无分文，我的一切财产早已布施在佛法方面，请你们不要说这里有我的财产、那里有我的财产，或者这里那里有我的东西。我什么都没有，我的兄弟姐妹、亲戚朋友和施主们请记住这一点。还有，希望我做担保的一些乡亲、喇嘛、祖古的物品，你们要按约定的时间如数交还。

自他三世一切善法回向给一切众生等，特别是在地狱等三恶趣的众生。

（殊胜之最发愿王等一偈，略。）

（此生三世一切功德一偈，略）

最后，国内外的所有法友们，请你们不要难过，请你们为善知识们祈祷，乃至菩提间我们未有离别。依怙我的老人们和百姓们也请如是发愿，无论快乐与痛苦、好与坏、喜与悲，我们都要依靠上师三宝，除了三宝再没有依靠处，请你们不要忘记，扎西德勒！

文： Ginger Duan 校对： Wilson

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To mark the occasion, we are republishing a deeply moving essay that Tara wrote two years ago after meeting His Holiness. We hope it offers our readers a glimpse into Tara’s spiritual world. We also dedicate this essay as a birthday tribute to His Holiness, praying for his good health and wishing him a long life for the benefit of all beings!

阅读中文

This article was originally published on Tibet.net (Chinese) two years ago.

By Tara Freesoul

In early August, during a phone call with a Tibetan friend, I learned almost by chance that His Holiness the Dalai Lama would be passing through Zurich, Switzerland, on his way back to India from New York to preside over a Tenshug (long-life offering ceremony). I understood at once how rare and precious such a karmic condition was, and I gave thanks to the Triple Gem for bestowing upon me such merit. On August 14th, the moment tickets for the ceremony went on sale online, I logged onto the website precisely on time and managed to secure one.

August 25th was a drizzly, overcast day. I arrived early that morning at the Hallenstadion arena in Zurich, and from a distance I could already make out hundreds upon hundreds of Tibetans in traditional chuba robes arranged in several long queues. It seemed as if Tibetan exiles from nearly every European country had come. There were silver-haired elderly women, beautiful and upright young men and women, and toddlers still learning to speak; everyone was dressed in their finest, holding khatags (ceremonial scarves) in their hands and prayer beads around their wrists. All of it was a testament to more than half a century of His Holiness’s efforts: the displaced Tibetan people had found refuge in Western countries, had flourished there, and generation after generation has continued to transmit the faith and culture of Tibet. Scattered among the crowd were many European faces - I even spotted a Swiss girl wearing a lovely chuba.

My ticket placed me in seat 21 in a particular section of the arena. By a wonderful coincidence, I turned 21 this year, and the number also symbolizes the 21 Taras.

My seat was on the second floor, to the left of His Holiness’s throne. I entered the hall and took my place at around 9:09 in the morning; by then, His Holiness was already seated on the center throne. He was far from me, but I could clearly make out the figure settled at the heart of that solemn golden dais. I could barely believe that what my eyes were seeing was real. Life felt like a dream; watching His Holiness materialize before me, I felt as if I were drifting through one.

His Holiness wore crimson robes draped with a golden kasaya and sat in the full-lotus position upon a golden throne. Behind him hung three enormous thangkas: Shakyamuni Buddha at the center, four-armed Avalokiteshvara to the right, and White Tara to the left. To His Holiness’s right sat the monastic assembly; to his left, the lay disciples.

The ceremony began, and I heard His Holiness’s voice teaching the Dharma with my own ears. It sounded so warm and familiar and his articulation was still incredibly clear. I felt deeply ashamed that I hadn’t mastered Tibetan; the only words I could make out were when His Holiness mentioned Mao Zedong (quoting Mao’s dictum that “religion is poison”), and then his admonition to all Buddhist practitioners to cultivate Bodhicitta (the mind of enlightenment). When the camera panned to the audience, I saw some Tibetans wiping away tears, and my own eyes welled up.

Holding my prayer beads, I silently recited the Six-Syllable Mantra round after round in my heart. Gazing up at His Holiness’s face, I thought of the books of his I had read, of the reports and rumors I had encountered about him, and then I thought of his teachings - the core spirit he has spent his life conveying to the world: Be kind.

His Holiness led us in reciting the Refuge Prayer, intoning again and again Om Mani Padme Hum, Om A Ra Pa Ca Na Dhi, followed by the Dedication of Merit...

I became aware that the crying and restless noise of the children around me had faded into silence. It seemed to me that I could see four-armed Avalokiteshvara appearing in golden light above His Holiness, materializing before my very eyes. A profound and boundless peace and joy arose within me - a joy that eclipsed every sorrow I had ever carried. I felt, in that moment, that I had no more regrets in this life.

When the ceremony ended, we rose to watch as the monks escorted His Holiness down from the throne. I heard Tibetans calling out with all the force of their lungs: “Long live the Dalai Lama!” “Bhod Gyal Lo!” The entire hall erupted in response. His Holiness heard them. He turned and waved to us.

That afternoon, I offered a khatag at His Holiness’s throne and prostrated before it.

It was only later, when I encountered another Han Chinese friend who practices Tibetan Buddhism at the venue, that I learned the two of us were the only people from mainland China among the tens of thousands of devotees present. This was the greatest honor of our lives.

What merit could I possibly have? How extraordinarily fortunate I am — to have seen His Holiness in my lifetime: the Dharma King of the Buddhafield, the protector of the Land of Snows, the embodiment of Avalokiteshvara, the lamp of the Dharma in the longest of nights, the most noble soul to have taken birth on this earth in this Age of Dharma Decline, my Rinpoche. This was a blessing I had never dared to hope for.

I remember that just the month before, in a Buddhist shrine inside Tibet where His Holiness’s image is kept and venerated in a kind of hushed, clandestine way, I prostrated nine times before his portrait. This was a good auspice. I cannot fathom how many lifetimes I accumulated the merit and virtuous karma to allow me, in this life, to see His Holiness in person while still alive. When I think of the many Tibetans inside Tibet who have been imprisoned for the simple act of venerating His Holiness, while I, a Han Chinese, have had the fortune to see him in person, I am filled with profound guilt.

Here I set down a few lines of verse for His Holiness:

I also recall that four years ago, on July 22nd, 2020, I visited His Holiness’s birthplace in Huangzhong, Xining, Qinghai province. At the time, I wrote these words in my diary:

It was that journey to Qinghai, to His Holiness’s birthplace, that left me utterly captivated by Tibetan culture and ignited in me a deep fascination with the Tibetan language.

I was born and raised in mainland China in the early years of the new millennium. The ethnicity column on my national identity card reads “Han.” But I feel no sense of belonging to that designation. The moral strictures of Confucianism have not succeeded in binding me; the fabricated notion of a unified “Chinese nation” cannot confine me. My heart is as free as the eagle in the sky over Tibet.

I remember the first time in my life I encountered a photograph of His Holiness was in 2015. I was a fan of Lady Gaga at the time, and her meeting with His Holiness set off an enormous uproar on Chinese social media. Witnessing the torrent of hatred and slander that my country and my people directed at His Holiness, I couldn’t understand why. Curiosity compelled me to use a VPN to download Instagram, where I found the photographs of Lady Gaga with His Holiness. About him I knew only that he was a Tibetan Buddhist monk with kind, gentle eyes and his face even bearing a certain resemblance to my grandfather’s. He had done nothing to violate the natural moral order, certainly not anything as grave as taking a life, and yet he was subjected to such vicious attacks and defamation solely on account of differing political positions. That seemed profoundly wrong. From that moment, I found myself developing a feeling of reverence and affection for His Holiness. Even then, with my halting English and faced with the unbearable insults Chinese netizens were hurling in the Instagram comments, I typed back at them.

My Rinpoche - I was born contrary. The more they hate you, the more I revere you. Love is stronger than hatred.

In 2016, while traveling in Taiwan, I came across a biography of His Holiness at the Eslite Bookstore. I learned that his name was Tenzin Gyatso, that he was a spiritual leader in exile. The book was printed in those beautiful, unfettered traditional Chinese characters that left a deep and lasting impression on me.

I then began searching for materials about His Holiness both within and beyond China’s internet firewall, reading his biographies and coming to understand that, beyond being a spiritual teacher who advocates compassion and nonviolence, he has long been a champion of human rights, autonomy, democracy, environmental protection, and women’s rights. What a supremely perfect and pure soul. I was moved beyond measure by the hardships of his life.

I remember that around 2017, I saved a copy of His Holiness’s autobiography, Freedom in Exile, to my Baidu Netdisk cloud storage. Some time later, the file was blocked with the notice: “This file contains illegal and non-compliant content.” I was furious. I despised a dictatorial government that presumed to screen even the books I read.

I came to understand the terrible karma my ethnic group have accrued: slandering the Buddha, destroying the Dharma, staining the Land of Snows with blood. No number of eons in the Avici hell could redeem it. I cannot fully sever myself from this ethnicity, but I wanted to do something, however small, to atone.

On October 7th, 2022, after I had already left China and entered the free world, I donated 70 Euros to His Holiness’s foundation, the Gaden Phodrang Foundation of the Dalai Lama. It is my honor to have been able to make an offering to His Holiness. May it purify some small portion of my karmic debt.

Since then, I have come to know many Tibetan friends in exile, who have told me how His Holiness, through his life in exile, has made Tibet visible to the world. I have also visited His Holiness’s foundation in Taiwan. These are all threads in the web of my karmic connection with him.

I have dreamed of His Holiness several times. Once, I woke from such a dream nearly in tears. The very morning before I left for Zurich, I dreamed I was attending a lecture by His Holiness.

I have taken refuge under my Guru and received the Samaya vows, yet I am not a good Buddhist. How much sin have I accumulated and my obscurations are so heavy that I do not even know how to begin to confess them. I have fallen into demonic states countless times. I have been mired in transgression, self-harm, and self-abuse, addicted to suffering and degradation. At times I have been consumed by fear, and that fear transformed into hatred, has poured outward: I have hated myself, and I have hated the world. I have always spun within the whirlpool of the five poisons, churning through lifetimes of karmic cycles with no end.

I know full well that Samsara is an endless suffering. My heart longs for liberation, but the weight of past karma and habitual tendencies is so heavy that it always drags me down. I need to confess. My Rinpoche, I beg you to deliver me.

In 2021, I once made a wish that I would travel to Dharamsala in this lifetime and see His Holiness. But I did not dare to believe that wish would ever come true.

I never imagined that such a day could truly arrive in my life. I am grateful beyond measure to the Triple Gem for their compassionate protection. This is the honor of all my lives across all my lifetimes.

May the Triple Gem bless His Holiness; may the Dharma protector Palden Lhamo keep His Holiness long in this world; and may we one day witness His Holiness return to his homeland.

August 29, 2024

Source: First published in Tibet.net 图伯特之页｜能亲见达赖喇嘛尊者，我此生无憾——一位出生在中国的00后汉人佛教徒的肺腑之言

Editor: GD
Translator: Ashley
Proofreading: Wilson

English

By Tara Freesoul

这个 8 月初，我与藏人朋友通话时偶然得知达赖喇嘛尊者月底在从纽约返回印度时会途径瑞士苏黎世参加一场长寿法会（Tenshug）。我知道这殊圣因缘多么可贵，感谢三宝赐予我这个福分，8 月 14 日尊者长寿法会的门票在网上发售，我准点登上网站，买到一张门票。

8 月 25 日是一个阴雨天，清晨我抵达尊者莅临的苏黎世Hallenstadion体育馆外，远远地就望见成百上千穿着传统藏袍(chuba)的藏人排着几条长队——几乎全欧洲各国的流亡藏人都赶来了，有银发苍苍的老阿妈，有俊美英挺的年轻男女，还有在牙牙学语的孩子，他们华服盛装，手捧哈达，戴着佛珠——一切都要归功于尊者半个多世纪以来的努力，流离失所的藏人们在西方国家找到了庇护之所、繁衍生息，一代代人都仍然传承着西藏信仰和文化。人群中还有不少欧洲人面孔，我见到一个瑞士女孩也穿了一身漂亮的chuba。

我的门票上的座位在体育馆的某区第 21 排，巧的是我今年正好 21 岁，这个数字也象征着 21 度母。

我的座位在尊者法座的左侧边的二楼，我大约是在 9:09 分进场入座，那时达赖喇嘛尊者已然端坐在最中央的法座之上了。尊者离我很远，但我分明望见了那个庄严的黄金色法台中央端坐着的身影——我不敢相信我的双眼看到的是真的，人生如梦，看着尊者出现在我的眼前，我只觉得恍若在梦中。

尊者身着红色僧袍，披着金色袈裟，结跏趺坐于金黄宝座，背后挂着三幅巨型唐卡，佛祖释迦牟尼居中，右侧是四臂观音，左侧是白度母。尊者右手边是僧众的席位，左手边坐着在家人信徒。

法会开始了，我亲耳听见尊者说法的声音了，那声音那样亲切，他的吐字依然那么清晰，十分惭愧我的藏语并没有学得精通，我只能听懂尊者提到了毛泽东（引用毛泽东说“宗教就是毒药”），然后又警醒所有的佛弟子要发菩提心。镜头切换到观众席时，我看到有藏人在抹眼泪，我也想要流泪。

我持着念珠在心中默念六字真言，念了一轮又一轮，仰望着尊者的脸庞，想起曾经读过的他的书，想起看过的关于他的报道和流言，又想起尊者的教诲——他向世人所传达的核心精神就是：Be Kind. 要善良。

尊者带领我们念诵皈依文，一遍遍地念诵“om ma ni padme hum”，“om a ra ba za na dhi”，念诵回向文….

我感到四周的孩童的哭声、喧嚷声都寂静了，我好像看到四臂观音在金光中显现在尊者的上方，出现在我的眼前。我心中生起无比的平静的喜悦，这喜悦盖过了我曾经承受过的一切痛苦。我只觉得此生不再有遗憾了。

法会结束后，我们起身目送僧众护拥着尊者下法座，我听到有藏人嘶声竭力地大吼：“Long live the Dalai Lama!” “Bhod Gyal Lo!” 现场一呼百应。尊者也听到了，他向我们挥了挥手。

下午我向尊者的法座献哈达，并磕了一个头。

后来在现场见到了另外一位信奉藏传佛教的华人朋友，我才知道我们二人是现场上万名信众中唯有的来自中国的华人。这是我们一生的荣幸。

我何德何能呢？我是何等有福，竟然能在有生之年亲见尊者，佛国法王，雪域的依怙主，观音化身，万古长夜里的法灯，这个末法时代投生在地球上的最高尚的灵魂，我的仁波切啊。这是我从前根本不敢希求的。

还记得上个月在图博特的一个佛堂中，我对着以某种隐秘的方式供奉着的尊者法相磕了九个长头。这是好的缘起，我不知是在累生累世积累了多少福德善报，今生才有机会在活着的时候亲见一次尊者。一想到许多图博特境内的藏人仅仅因为供奉尊者就遭到牢狱之灾，而我身为汉人却有幸亲见尊者，我心中十分愧疚。

在此我提笔为尊者写下了几行短诗：

又忆起四年前，2020 年 7 月 22 日时我曾到过尊者的故乡，青海西宁湟中。在那时候我在日记中写下如下文字：

正是那次去尊者故乡的青海之行让我为藏文化深深着迷，也对藏语有了浓厚的兴趣。

我于千禧年间在中国内地出生长大，身份证上民族那一栏印着“汉”，可我对这个民族没有归属感，儒教的纲常礼数没能将我困住，虚假的中华民族无法把我禁锢，我的心像藏地天空的鹰一样自由。

还记得我今生第一次见到尊者的照片是在 2015 年。那时我是Lady Gaga的粉丝，而Lady Gaga拜见了尊者，在中国网络上引起轩然大波。目睹我的国家和民族对尊者万般的仇恨诋毁，我不明白为什么，好奇驱使我翻墙下载了instagram，看到了Lady Gaga与尊者的合照。对于尊者，我只知道他是一位眉目慈祥的藏传佛教僧人，长相甚至有几分像我的爷爷，他没有做过任何有违天道（譬如戕害人命）的事，仅仅因为政治立场不同，就遭到如此糟糕的攻击污蔑。不该如此啊！从那时起我对尊者竟生出了敬爱之情。哪怕当时我英语不好，面对instagram评论区中国人不堪入目的辱骂，我用蹩脚的英语回骂了过去。

仁波切啊，我天生反骨，他们越仇恨您，我越敬爱您。

爱比仇恨更强大。

2016 年时我去到台湾旅行，在诚品书店看到了尊者的传记，我知道了他的名字是丹增嘉措，他是流亡的灵性领袖，那本书上是多么漂亮又自由的繁体字，给我留下了深刻的记忆。

尔后我开始在中国互联网防火墙内外查找有关尊者的资料、阅读尊者的传记，我知道了除了倡导慈悲和非暴力的灵性导师以外，他一直都是人权、自治、民主、环保、女权的支持者。多么至善至美的灵魂啊！我为尊者坎坷的一生感慨万千。

还记得大约 2017 年时我在中国软件“百度网盘”里存了一本尊者的自传《流亡中的自在》，过了一段时间后这本书在我网盘中以“此文件含有违法违规内容”为由被封禁了。当时可把我气得不轻。我恨这个独裁政权连我阅读的书都要筛选。

我知道了我的民族所造下的罪业多么可怕，谤佛灭法，血染雪域，在无间地狱里过亿万个劫数都赎不清。我不能完全地把自己从这个民族中割席出来，可是我想做些什么去赎罪。

2022 年 10 月 7 日，彼时我已经离开了中国，来到自由世界，我给尊者的基金会，达赖喇嘛甘丹颇章基金会，捐款了 70 欧元。能向尊者献供是我的荣幸，愿能清净我的一些罪业罢。

再后来，我结识了很多流亡藏人朋友，他们向我讲述，流亡中的尊者让世界看见了西藏。我还到访过台湾的尊者基金会。这些都是我和尊者的缘分。

我曾数次梦到过尊者，有一次醒来时几乎哭了。在去苏黎世的前一天上午，我梦到我去听尊者的演讲。

我皈依过上师，受过三昧耶戒，可我不是一个好佛教徒，我是何等有罪，我的罪障太过于深重，我都不知如何才能忏悔。我曾无数次陷入魔障，我曾深陷邪淫、自残、自我虐待，对痛苦和堕落上瘾，我有时候充满了恐惧——这恐惧转化为怨恨发泄出来，我恨自己也恨外界。我始终在五毒的漩涡里打转，伴随业力流转了无数个劫数的轮回。

我何尝不知道轮回是无尽的苦，我心求解脱，但往昔的业力习气太过于深重，总是拉着我往下堕落。我需要忏悔！仁波切啊，求您救度我。

我在2021年曾经许愿说这辈子想去一次达兰萨拉，我想拜见尊者，但我不敢奢求这个愿望成真。

真的想不到这一天真的能在我生命中到来，感恩三宝的慈悲护佑，这是我生生世世以来的荣幸。

唯愿三宝加持尊者，华丹拉姆护法尊者长驻于世，祈祷尊者有朝一日能返回故乡。

2024年 8 月 29 日

來源：图伯特之页｜能亲见达赖喇嘛尊者，我此生无憾——一位出生在中国的00后汉人佛教徒的肺腑之言

编辑 GD 翻译 Ashley 校正 Wilson

自焚者洛尕然赞 在行动前，在自家车库留下遗嘱，并在自己的脸书上发表。 Rangzen 是他自己选的名字，是藏语「独立」「 自由」之意。

纽约，2026年7月2日——长居在美国的 洛尕然赞（Lobga Rangzen）于7月2日晚在纽约联合国总部外自焚，经送医抢救无效去世。据现场视频，他在联合国总部外竖起雪山狮子旗，并开启Facebook直播，随后点燃自己。

文后附藏文全文，如果对我们的工作有任何建议，指正，请给我们发邮件📩admin@lhasaspring.org

以下为其遗嘱内容整理 (听译):

我们在国外举办任何活动，都是为了抗议中共对境内藏地的高压政策，反抗中国对藏地藏人的统治。今天，我想说几句话。 对境内藏人，要谢谢他们，我没有什么可以多说的。因为他们一直冒着生命危险，以最大的勇气，为拯救我们藏民族的语言、文化与尊严，不断努力。

因此，我没有什么资格再对他们说什么。 我今天主要是想对流亡藏人说四点：

第一，流亡藏人不能忘记自己的责任。 我们在流亡当中，享受着自由民主的生活。这样的自由民主，是尊者达赖喇嘛给予我们的。尊者让我们拥有自由，并不是要让我们自己内耗，也不是要让我们用民主自由之名，在内部彼此斗争。 我们每一个人都应该为图伯特的自由发声，为图伯特的未来想办法。尊者达赖喇嘛曾经说过，生活在国外的藏人，不要因为自己有了房子、有了车子，就感到满足，因为图伯特境内的藏人仍然生活在苦难之中。

第二，我们要明白，藏人的苦难，是因为我们失去了自己的国家。 尊者达赖喇嘛是世界的和平导师，他为所有众生的和平与幸福奔波，所以他不会把话说得太多、太重。但是我们自己要明白：为什么图伯特境内的藏人没有任何自由？为什么我们的民族面临被消灭的危机？为什么我们连供奉尊者达赖喇嘛法相的权利都没有？这都是因为我们失去了自己的国家，失去了自己的自由。很多人说我们没有国家。不是的，我们有国家；只是我们的国家被中国占领了。

第三，流亡藏人不要再分地域、教派，而要真正团结起来。 中共打压藏人时，并不会区分你是康巴人、安多人，还是卫藏人；也不会区分你属于哪一个教派。他们同样打压所有藏人，也同样破坏所有宗教。所以，我们在外的藏人，真的不应该再分什么康巴、安多、卫藏，也不应该再分各个教派。我们每一个人都应该团结起来，为恢复藏人的自由、为藏民族的独立，做出更多努力。

第四，不要因为我的行动而停止应该去做的事；真正的哀悼，是继续为图伯特奋斗。 如果这一次我要做一个大的行动、一个引起轰动的行动，我双手合十请求大家：不要因为这件事，而停止我们现在正在做的事情。我们现在做的，是为了保存自己的语言与文化。所以，该跳舞的还是要跳舞，该唱歌的还是要唱歌。因为这些都是为了让年轻一代的藏人，能够接受并传承自己的语言与文化。 特别是现在，我们即将迎来尊者达赖喇嘛九十一岁华诞。我希望全球各地的藏人，都要盛大举办尊者的祝寿活动。这些都非常重要。我们不要因为一个人的行动，就只停留在悲哀或默哀之中。

我们真正需要悲哀、需要默哀的，是我们失去了自己的国家。我们每一个人都应该为此发起更大的行动。 我今天要做这个行动，不是因为我缺乏衣食住行，不是因为我没有吃的、没有穿的、没有住的，也不是为了我个人的生活问题。这一切，是为了图伯特的独立，为了图伯特的抗争。 因此，我双手合十请求大家：如果你们真的要哀悼我，请按照我在这里所说的愿望去做。希望每一个人都为图伯特的事情继续努力，继续奋斗。最后，我想说：图伯特民族的独立万岁！博嘉洛！ （图伯特必胜 ！！！！）

2026年7月2号

Before carrying out his self-immolation, Lobga Rangzen left this final testament in his garage and also published it on his Facebook page. Rangzen is the name he chose for himself. In Tibetan, it means "independence" or "freedom."

The following is a translated transcript of his final message:
If you have any suggestions, email us at admin@lhasaspring.org

Whenever we organize activities abroad, we do so to protest the Chinese Communist Party's repressive policies in Tibet and to resist China's rule over the Tibetan people. Today, I would like to say a few words.

To Tibetans inside Tibet, I have little to say. Thank you all! They have continued to risk their lives with extraordinary courage, doing everything they can to preserve Tibet's language, culture, and dignity. Because of that, I do not feel I have the standing to tell them what they should do.

Today, I want to speak mainly to Tibetans living in exile. I have four messages.

1. Tibetans in exile must not forget their responsibility.

We live in exile, enjoying freedom and democracy. This freedom and democracy were made possible by His Holiness the Dalai Lama. His Holiness did not give us freedom so that we could fight among ourselves, nor so that we could use democracy and freedom as excuses for internal division. Every one of us should speak out for Tibet's freedom and work for Tibet's future.

His Holiness the Dalai Lama once said that Tibetans living abroad should not become content simply because they have a house, a car, or a comfortable life, while Tibetans inside Tibet continue to live under suffering.

2. We must understand that the suffering of the Tibetan people exists because we have lost our country.

His Holiness the Dalai Lama is a global teacher of peace. He dedicates himself to the peace and well-being of all beings, and therefore does not often speak in harsh or confrontational terms. But we ourselves must understand:

Why do Tibetans inside Tibet have no freedom?

Why does our nation face the danger of destruction?

Why are we denied even the right to display an image of His Holiness the Dalai Lama?

The answer is the same: because we have lost our country, and with it our freedom.

Many people say that we do not have a country. That is not true. We do have a country—it has simply been occupied by China.

3. Tibetans in exile must stop dividing themselves by region or religious tradition and unite as one people.

When the Chinese Communist Party represses Tibetans, it does not distinguish between Kham, Amdo, or Ü-Tsang. Nor does it distinguish between different Buddhist schools.

It suppresses all Tibetans and seeks to destroy all Tibetan religious traditions alike.

Therefore, those of us living in exile should no longer divide ourselves into Kham, Amdo, or Ü-Tsang, nor separate ourselves by sectarian affiliation. We must stand together and work harder to restore Tibetan freedom and secure Tibet's independence.

4. Do not let my action stop the work that must continue. The truest way to mourn me is to continue struggling for Tibet.

If today I undertake a major action—one that draws the world's attention—I join my hands in prayer and ask you this:

Please do not stop doing the work we are doing now because of what I have done. Everything we are doing today is for the preservation of our language and culture. Those who dance should continue to dance. Those who sing should continue to sing.

These things are essential so that the younger generation of Tibetans can inherit and carry forward our language and culture.

Especially now, as we prepare to celebrate the 91st birthday of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, I hope Tibetans everywhere will organize grand celebrations in his honor. These things are profoundly important.

Do not allow the action of one individual to leave you only with grief or silent mourning. What we should truly mourn is that we have lost our country. And each one of us should respond by taking even greater action.

I am taking this action today not because I lack food, clothing, or shelter, nor because I face personal hardships or problems in my own life. Everything I do is for Tibet's independence and for Tibet's struggle.

Therefore, with my hands folded in prayer, I ask you:

If you truly wish to mourn me, then fulfill the wishes I have expressed here. May everyone of you continue working and struggling for Tibet.

Finally, I want to say:

Long live the independence of the Tibetan nation!

Bhod Gyalo! Victory to Tibet!

July 2nd,2026

Georgetown University 2026 Feb 4th · Event Transcript

Participants: Moderator Dechen Atsatsang · Prof. Mark Giordano · Ambassador Donald Lu· Sikyong Penpa Tsring

【Moderator】 Dechen Atsatsang(Senior, Georgetown School of Foreign Service; Georgetown Human Rights Society)

Good evening, everyone, and thank you so much for coming. My name is Dechen Atsatsang, and I am a senior at Georgetown School of Foreign Service studying international politics, justice, and peace studies, on behalf of Georgetown for Human Rights.

I am really grateful to have you join us for tonight’s conversation on the geopolitical significance of Tibet. Despite Tibet’s central role in regional geopolitics — encompassing questions of environment, security, governance, and human rights — Tibet often remains under-explored in academic and policy spaces. We hope tonight’s discussion offers a meaningful opportunity to engage deeply with those issues, especially here on campus at Georgetown.

It is an honor to have Sikyong Penpa Tsring with us. I am especially thankful to Professor Mark Giordano and Ambassador Donald Lu for being here as well.

Sikyong Penpa Tsring is the President of the Central Tibetan Administration and has dedicated his life to fighting for the rights of the Tibetan people and safeguarding Tibet's culture. As a civil society leader and politician, Sikyong earned his Bachelor of Arts degree from Madras Christian College and served four consecutive terms in the Tibetan Parliament in Exile, serving as Speaker for two of those terms. He also served as Executive Director of the Tibetan Parliamentary and Policy Research Center, and as the representative of His Holiness the Dalai Lama at the Office of Tibet in Washington, D.C.

Since his election as the second democratically elected Sikyong of the Central Tibetan Administration in 2021, he has worked to strengthen the CTA’s governance, advocated for the Tibetan people in meetings with world leaders, raised concerns about the Chinese Communist Party’s policies restricting Tibetan rights and culture, worked tirelessly to secure the release of Tibetan political prisoners, and pursued dialogue with the Chinese government.

I will now turn it over to Professor Mark Giordano for opening remarks. Thank you.

【Opening Remarks】 Prof. Mark Giordano (Georgetown University)

I was asked to come here and give some remarks — to put the Tibetan Plateau in the context of the “Map of the Modern World,” a class many of you are familiar with, because I see many friends out here.

The first thing I want to say is that around the time I arrived at Georgetown, His Holiness the Dalai Lama came to Washington, D.C., and I saw him on stage with Georgetown graduate Nancy Pelosi and Richard Gere. So twelve years later, I think this is another meaningful connection — and we are grateful you are here tonight.

What I want to say about the plateau is well illustrated in this image. On a political map, we look at borders, but we also ask: what crosses those borders invisibly? The Tibetan Plateau is a perfect example. I will frame it in two ways.

The first is water. The Yangtze, the Yellow River, the Red River, the Mekong, the Irrawaddy, the Brahmaputra, the Ganges, and the Indus — all originate on the plateau. They rise very close to one another, then spread across the continent, supplying drinking water and food for roughly a quarter of the world’s population.

The Tibetan Plateau is the source of Asia’s ten major river systems, sustaining nearly a quarter of humanity.

In the same way, Tibetan ideas and culture are found far beyond the plateau itself. My first interaction with Tibetans was in Yunnan, China, in 1989 — Yunnan is not “Tibet” on any map, but lamas were there. Later in Qinghai (also not called Tibet), lamas again. In Sikkim, India, in what China calls southern Tibet and India calls Arunachal Pradesh, and in Mongolia. At the Smithsonian Asian Art Museum, there is a whole Tibetan room you can experience for yourself.

So we look at what lies within the borders on a political map, but we must also consider how resources, ideas, and spirituality flow across those boundaries. With that, I turn it over to Ambassador Lu for a more formal introduction. Thank you.

【Formal Introduction】 Ambassador Donald Lu (Former U.S. State Department)

Your Excellency Sikyong Penpa Tsring, Professor Giordano, dear friends and colleagues. As I was preparing for this evening, I read the Sikyong’s biography carefully — and I found some remarkable things. For one, you and I graduated from college in the same year. Mr. Sikyong, let me just say: you look young and vibrant. (Sikyong: “I dyed my hair.”)

His journey actually shares remarkable similarities with all of yours. As a young college student in the 1980s, Penpa Tsring was studying in what was then called Madras — now Chennai, in southern India, which is very warm, much like this classroom. But at that time, there was terrible repression in Tibet. Monks and nuns were leading demonstrations to express concern about the influx of Han Chinese and the tightening grip of Beijing.

That young student joined the Tibetan freedom movement and used his voice to speak out for the Tibetan people — much like all of you have gathered here tonight, to learn about and to stand up for those whose rights are threatened.

That led him to work with NGOs — many of you intern with or have worked with NGOs. Then, to think tanks — some of you have done think-tank work. And ultimately to the Tibetan Parliament in Exile.

Ten years ago, Penpa Tsring came to Washington as His Holiness’s representative to North America. He became a Washingtonian too — someone who has learned to love this city.

I retired a few months ago from the State Department after working on Tibetan issues for more than thirty years. One thing that always struck me is how bipartisan U.S. support for Tibet is — for the Tibetan people, the Central Tibetan Administration, and His Holiness. And what we are seeing right now is that President Trump is continuing that long-standing bipartisan tradition.

In July 2020, President Trump wrote a historic letter to His Holiness, congratulating him on his 85th birthday and inviting him to the White House. That same year, Sikyong Lobsang Sangay made the first-ever Sikyong visit to the White House. In December 2020, President Trump signed the historic Tibetan Policy and Support Act, which requires the U.S. government to recognize only the Tibetan Buddhist community’s decision on the selection of Buddhist leaders, including the next Dalai Lama; mandates sanctions against Chinese officials who interfere; and formally recognizes the CTA and Sikyong as the legitimate representatives of the Tibetan diaspora.

We are so fortunate today to hear from someone who has fought his whole life for the dignity and universal human rights of the Tibetan people — someone whose journey began, like yours, as a college student standing up for human rights. Please join me in welcoming Sikyong Penpa Tsring.

【Main Address】 Sikyong Penpa Tsring (President, Central Tibetan Administration)

It’s good to see Donald again. He served as Assistant Secretary of State covering Nepal and Tibetan issues. Around two years ago, the Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues, Azra Zehra, together with Donald and Ambassador Eric Garcetti, met His Holiness in Delhi, and we had a very productive conversation following up on that.

Thank you, Professor Mark — I have been asking him to serve as a consultant on water issues. We have a shortage of human and financial resources, so we need experts like Mark, and today we have found one more resource here at Georgetown.

Let me begin with some good news. We have been working with the U.S. Congress for a long time. I always say: we are bearing the fruit of His Holiness’s labor. The recent appropriations bill was passed, though there was a scare when all foreign assistance, including the Tibet Fund, was cut last year. Working closely with the State Department and Congress, we secured bipartisan, bicameral support. The new appropriation allocates approximately $13 million for the Tibetan people.

Two days ago we learned that a Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues has been appointed — Riley Barnes — even though it was not publicly announced. The State Department also confirmed the Tibetan New Year event, with the invitation going out from Barnes in his capacity as Special Coordinator. Another piece of good news: His Holiness will win a Grammy Award. It is a surprise to everyone — His Holiness does not sing and is not especially into music — but he has won. And there is a powerful film, The Wisdom of Happiness, based on interviews with His Holiness, which Richard Gere is currently promoting worldwide.

In the new appropriations language, it states that for the purposes of the act the Central Tibetan Administration will be considered the Tibetan Government in Exile. This is a step forward in our U.S. advocacy, and we are working with members of Congress to advance legislation that would formalize the CTA’s legitimacy — and potentially recognize the Tibetan Government in Exile.

Tibet: Geography and Geopolitics

Our position is clear: Tibet has been an independent nation for centuries — until Communist China invaded in 1950. It has been almost seventy-five years since China occupied Tibet, and almost 66 years since we came into exile.

To understand Tibetan history, you must understand Tibetan geography. The Tibetan Plateau is the highest and largest plateau on Earth. It emerged fifty million years ago from the collision of the Indian and Eurasian tectonic plates. Geologists say the Himalayas are still rising by ten millimeters every year, which is also why the entire region is a seismic zone.

We call ourselves “the land surrounded by snow mountain ranges” — the Himalayas to the south, the Karakoram to the west, the Kunlun and Tanggula ranges to the north. Tibet’s average elevation is approximately 4,800 meters (15,748 ft). Early Western explorers called it “the Roof of the World.”

In the Heavenly Abode, the land surrounded by snow mountain ranges.

Chinese environmental scientists today call Tibet the “Third Pole” because it holds the world’s largest reserves of glaciers and permafrost outside the Arctic and Antarctic. These feed all of Asia’s major river systems, which is why Tibet is also called “the Water Tower of Asia.”

China’s Yellow River and Yangtze are the lifelines of its population of 1.4 billion. Without them, China cannot feed its people. The Mekong flows into five Southeast Asian nations; the Salween and Irrawaddy into Myanmar; the Brahmaputra into India and Bangladesh.

China is now building a mega-dam at the Great Bend of the Brahmaputra/Yarlung Tsangpo — a project that will generate 2.8 times the hydroelectricity of the Three Gorges Dam. India has called it a potential “water bomb.” The entire region is seismically active; a dam failure would be catastrophic downstream.

Water Tower of Asia — source of ten major river systems serving the most densely populated nations on Earth.

China does not share hydrological data with any downstream country. We are talking about at least 193 hydropower projects on Tibetan rivers inside Tibet, before the water crosses into any other country, yet all that electricity is transferred to eastern China to power industry, not to serve the Tibetan people.

Formed 50 million years ago by the collision of the Indian Plate and the Eurasian Plate, it continues to rise by 10 millimeters annually.

Because Tibet has always been an independent buffer between China and India, there was historically never a common border — and never a war — between the two. Only after China occupied Tibet in 1950 did the first India-China war occur in 1962. India still officially calls the boundary the “Indo-Tibetan Border” and maintains an Indo-Tibetan Border Police — a reflection of India’s principled position.

History: Tibet, Mongolia, and China

Tibet has a widely accepted history of approximately 2,200 years — though human habitation on the plateau dates back more than 100,000 years. Between the 7th and 9th centuries, Tibet was a great empire in Central Asia, at its height capturing the Tang capital and reaching as far as present-day Samarkand in Uzbekistan. After about 400 years of fragmentation, new powers emerged.

In the 7th century, we invented the Tibetan script, derived from Indian Devanagari, entirely distinct from Chinese. When Indian Buddhist masters came to Tibet, they encouraged Tibetans to transliterate the entire Buddhist canon into their own language. Over 500 years, from the 8th to the 13th century, before Buddhism nearly vanished from India, Tibetans translated every available Sanskrit and Pali text. Today, if you want to study Buddhism in its totality, Tibetan is the only language in the world that contains the complete canon. Last December 14th, we presented 223 volumes of a Tibetan-to-Tibetan dictionary to the Library of Congress.

In the 13th century, Tibet developed its unique “priest-patron” relationship with the Mongols — not as subjects, but as spiritual teachers. The Mongols became Buddhists; today, all Mongolians are Buddhists. A few decades later Kublai Khan invaded China in 1271. Our relationship was always with the Mongols — not the Chinese emperors. The Mongols ruled China from 1271 to 1368; when the Ming (the first Han Chinese dynasty) expelled them, Tibet had its own line of rulers — the Sakya Lamas, the Phagmodrupa, and eventually the 5th Dalai Lama, who took over temporal and spiritual leadership in 1642.

During the Ming dynasty (1368–1644) there was very little political relationship between Tibet and China — only occasional exchanges of lamas and titles. The Ming were, in turn, overthrown not by Han Chinese but by the Manchus (the Qing dynasty). Manchu influence in Tibet grew in the 18th century, primarily to help Tibetans resist Nepalese incursions — not to occupy Tibet.

After the fall of the Qing dynasty, Chinese nationalists came to power and incorporated the claim that Tibet is part of China into the modern nationalist narrative. The Chinese Communist Party later inherited and continued this narrative, giving rise to the familiar slogan that Tibet has been an inseparable part of China since ancient times. Yet the Chinese government itself has never clearly defined what exactly “since ancient times” is supposed to mean.

The reason I came here today is to introduce a new book written by a Chinese professor. As a university student, he was taught that Tibet had been part of China since ancient times. Later, however, he noticed that the Chinese government consistently asks foreign governments to recognize Tibet as part of the People’s Republic of China. That made him wonder: if Tibet has always been part of China, why would such recognition still be necessary?

This question led him to conduct a detailed historical investigation. He examined official Chinese historical records from the Ming and Qing dynasties, relying exclusively on Chinese government publications printed before 1949. His conclusion is straightforward: he found no historical evidence supporting the claim that Tibet has been part of China since ancient times. The Chinese edition of his book was published in 2019, and to this day the Chinese government has not produced a substantive response to his findings.

The Middle Way Policy and Current Engagement

From 1959 to around 1973 we pursued independence; not a single government supported us. His Holiness then proposed the Middle Way — a Buddhist concept (Madhyamaka) of avoiding extremes. His Holiness’s elder brother met Deng Xiaoping in 1979; Deng said, “We can discuss anything except independence.” We took that as an opening and sent fact-finding delegations to Tibet in the early 1980s. A window of dialogue briefly opened under Hu Yaobang, then closed.

In 1987, His Holiness put forward the Five-Point Peace Proposal: transform Tibet into a zone of peace; end the transfer of Han Chinese into Tibet; respect fundamental rights and democratic freedoms; restore and protect Tibet’s natural environment; begin earnest negotiations on the future of Tibet. No positive response came from China.

His Holiness then consulted the Tibetan people. The overwhelming public opinion — and the unanimous vote of the Tibetan Parliament in Exile — was: whatever His Holiness decides, we will abide by it. His Holiness reiterated the Middle Way: a non-violent, negotiated solution mutually beneficial to both Tibetans and Chinese.

From 2002 to 2010, there were nine rounds of talks between Tibetan envoys and Chinese officials. Ultimately, China used these primarily to ensure no disruption during the 2008 Olympics. Dialogue has been frozen since 2010. During my term, there have been back-channel contacts, but nothing substantive — particularly given Xi Jinping’s approach.

In July 2024, President Biden signed the Resolve Tibet Act, which states the Tibet dispute has yet to be resolved; calls for resolution under international law; affirms the Tibetan people’s right to self-determination; and — most significantly — formally states that the United States does not accept China’s false historical narrative that Tibet has been part of China “since antiquity.” This is the first time a government has officially pushed back on that claim.

Now let me turn to the question of the Dalai Lama’s reincarnation. The Chinese government is actually less concerned with the current Dalai Lama than with his successor. They understand that if they can control the Fifteenth Dalai Lama’s reincarnation, they believe they can also control the devotion and loyalty of Tibetan Buddhists. In many ways, they are waiting for the present Dalai Lama to pass away.

In 2007, the Chinese government issued what is known as State Religious Affairs Bureau Order No. 5, which claims that the Chinese state has the final authority to approve the reincarnations of Tibetan Buddhist lamas.

His Holiness’s response has been remarkably clear. He has said, “I will be reborn in a free world. If, by that time, Tibet and China are still not free, the Dalai Lama will not be reborn there.”

The Chinese government’s second argument is that, according to tradition, the selection of reincarnate lamas should be determined through the Golden Urn ceremony. In fact, the Golden Urn was introduced only in 1793 by the Qing court, following the Nepal–Tibet War. As part of the 29 Article Ordinance for the More Effective Governing of Tibet, the Qianlong Emperor required that the Golden Urn be used in recognizing the reincarnations of the Dalai Lama, the Panchen Lama, and other high lamas. However, the first 8 Dalai Lamas had all been recognized through longstanding Tibetan religious traditions, without any involvement from the Chinese state.

The most well-known misuse of the Golden Urn came in the recognition of the Eleventh Panchen Lama. In 1995, His Holiness recognized a six-year-old Tibetan boy as the Panchen Lama. Shortly afterward, the Chinese government detained the child, his family, and members of the search committee. To this day, no independent observer knows where they are or even whether the Panchen Lama is still alive. He would now be about thirty-six or thirty-seven years old.

The Chinese authorities then organized their own selection process, claiming to use the Golden Urn. According to eyewitness accounts, the drawing itself was manipulated by physically altering the lots to predetermine the outcome. One of the witnesses was the senior Tibetan lama Arjia Rinpoche, who later described the process in his memoir. He now lives in the Washington, D.C. area. In other words, the Chinese government appropriated the concept of the Golden Urn while fundamentally undermining its legitimacy.

Finally, there is an obvious contradiction. The Chinese Communist Party is officially atheist and does not profess belief in any religion. His Holiness has responded with characteristic wit: if the Chinese government truly wishes to oversee reincarnations, it should first study Tibetan Buddhism and understand what reincarnation actually means. The institution of reincarnate lamas is a uniquely Tibetan Buddhist tradition with a history of more than nine centuries, dating back to the First Dalai Lama. Perhaps, he joked, the government should first identify the reincarnations of Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping—and now even Jiang Zemin—before concerning itself with that of the Dalai Lama.

There is an additional irony. The Chinese government has long required Tibetan monasteries to display portraits of successive Chinese leaders—from Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping to Jiang Zemin and Xi Jinping—with their names even rendered in Tibetan script. In that sense, one might say the government has cultivated its own form of political personality worship while claiming authority over a religious tradition in which it does not itself profess belief.

We are working in the United States and across the free world. Tibet is genuinely bipartisan in Washington — when Republicans and Democrats cannot agree on anything else, they stand together on Tibet. We do the same in Canada, in India (All-Party Parliamentary Group for Tibet), and everywhere we operate. We will keep doing this work — and keep reaching the next generation, which is why evenings like tonight matter so much to us.

I also want to thank Ambassador Donald Lu. For nearly three decades, he has worked on Tibet-related issues with remarkable personal commitment, and he has been a close partner of ours throughout that time. The current Representative of the Tibet Office previously spoke here at Georgetown at Ambassador Lu’s invitation. Thank you for your time and attention. I apologize — I can speak for hours.

Questions & Answers

【Moderator】

Tibet is an emotional topic in many parts of the world, including the United States. A reminder: let’s be respectful to one another and to our guest.

【Question 1】

I thought it was interesting that you mentioned narratives. One common Chinese narrative is that China invaded Tibet to liberate the Tibetan people from serfdom. What is your take on that?

【Sikyong Penpa Tsring】

China always uses nice words to cover up its misdeeds. They say they “liberated” Tibet — from whom? They invoke slavery, serfdom, servitude. Professor Lao, who researched this extensively in Chinese historical documents, found no record of a slave system in Tibet — but did find records of slave systems in Manchuria and Mongolia.

When China says Tibet was a slave system, they make it sound like medieval Europe. That is not the case. We did have a system of estate owners and associated farmers — a form of serfdom — but no worse than in medieval Europe, and considerably better than in contemporary China of the same period.

“Liberation” is simply another name for “occupation” when used by the Chinese government. We never asked China to liberate us. It was not their job. That is the narrative China tries to impose on the world — that they freed Tibet from slavery. It is not the truth.

【Question 2】

Given Tibet's strategic importance to China, it seems very unlikely that the PRC will relinquish control. What is a realistic vision for your approach?

【Sikyong Penpa Tsring】

That is precisely why His Holiness is asking for the Middle Way — not independence. If Tibet remains part of China, China will have to reach an agreement with us on how we use our natural resources. His Holiness is not seeking independence — that must be made clear to the Chinese people.

The Chinese government keeps calling His Holiness a “separatist,” but he is not asking for independence. And Beijing has not made that clear to ordinary Chinese citizens — otherwise, the 250 to 300 million Chinese Buddhists would offer much more support for the Tibetan people. Many Chinese come to Tibet as tourists to learn about Tibetan Buddhism; they live in a spiritual vacuum and look to Tibet for guidance.

We are proposing a mutually beneficial solution: Tibet can benefit from China’s economic development, and China can benefit spiritually from Tibetan civilization. Environmental protection in Tibet is critical even for Chinese people. We are on the same page on substance — it is only the Chinese leadership that lacks the wisdom to resolve this.

【Question 3】

Have you ever disagreed with His Holiness, and how have you navigated that?

【Sikyong Penpa Tsring】

Yes, there are Tibetans who disagree with His Holiness — quite a number of young Tibetans seek complete independence. I understand completely: when I was younger, I too sought Tibetan independence. But once you understand global politics, geopolitics, and our constraints, the calculus shifts.

Every time His Holiness says something, he has thought it through many times. We, too, must think carefully, analyze, and then agree or disagree. I tend to agree with His Holiness because he is the most reasonable person in the world. He is always looking for peace and happiness for everyone, not just for Tibetans.

【Follow-up Question】

Do you think the Chinese are afraid that, once His Holiness passes, the idea of the Middle Way may pass with him, and younger Tibetans will push for independence instead?

【Sikyong Penpa Tsring】

We hope His Holiness lives for a very long time. But that concern is exactly why our current strategy focuses on Tibetan history — to reopen doors and windows that have been closed. You never know what can shift.

One of our planned initiatives is to study different scenarios for China — with external forces and under various political conditions — and, under each scenario, assess the challenges and opportunities for Tibetans and Tibet. These are the things we will keep doing, unless and until some common sense enters the Chinese leadership.

Compiled and Edited by GD; Translated by Wilson

Special thanks to Hoyas for Human Rights (Georgetown University), the Office of Tibet in DC, and everyone who made this event possible!

【主持人】德钦·阿桑仓（乔治城大学外交学院学生，代表乔治城大学人权协会）

大家晚上好，非常感谢你们的到来。我叫德钦·阿桑仓，我是乔治城大学外交学院的大四学生，研究国际政治以及正义与和平研究，代表乔治城大学人权协会。

我非常荣幸能够欢迎大家来到今晚的谈话——《图伯特藏地的地缘政治意义》。尽管藏地在地区地缘政治中扮演着核心角色，涉及环境、安全、治理以及人权问题，藏地却经常在学术和政策领域被探索不足。我们希望今晚的讨论能够提供一个有意义的参与机会，尤其是在乔治城大学的校园里，深度探讨这些问题。

今晚我们非常荣幸地请到了司政边巴次仁与我们一起。我要特别感谢Mark Giordan教授和 Donald Lu大使的出席。

司政边巴次仁是藏人行政中央行政长官，毕生致力于为藏人的权利和文化而奋斗。作为公民社会领袖和政治家，他在马德拉斯基督教学院获得文学学士学位，是连续四届藏人流亡议会的议员，并担任其中两个任期的发言人。他还担任过藏人流亡议会和政策研究中心的执行主任，以及尊者达赖喇嘛驻华盛顿特区西藏办事处的代表。自他当选为第二位民选藏人行政中央司政以来，他致力于加强藏人行政中央的管理，在与世界领导人的会晤中为藏人发声，并引起全球对中国共产党限制藏人权利和文化政策的关注和担忧。他还不知疲倦地努力确保藏人政治犯的释放，并寻求与中国政府的对话。

现在请Mark Giordano教授做开场白，谢谢。

【开场发言】Mark Giordano教授（乔治城大学）

我应邀来这里做开场白。我会将青藏高原放在《现代世界地图》课程的视角下——这是你们很多人都熟悉的课程——发表一些评论，因为我在这里看到了很多朋友。

我想说的第一件事是，当我刚到乔治城大学的时候，尊者达赖喇嘛来到华盛顿特区，我看到他和乔治城大学毕业的南希·佩洛西，以及另一位嘉宾理查德·基尔同台。所以12年后，我认为这是另一个美好的联系。我们非常感激您今晚的到来。

我想谈谈高原的事。这张图可以很好地说明：在现代世界地图上，我们看边界，我们也观察事物交叉的地方——有些边界你从地图上看不到。我认为青藏高原就是一个很好的例子。

我将用两个框架来诠释它。第一个是水。长江、黄河、红河、湄公河、伊洛瓦底江、雅鲁藏布江、恒河、印度河——这些大河都起源于高原。它们在那里彼此非常接近，然后蔓延遍布亚洲。青藏高原是世界上四分之一人口的饮用水和食物来源地。

青藏高原是亚洲十大河流的发源地，滋养四分之一世界人口

但同样的道理也适用于精神层面——藏地的思想往往不只在高原上被发现，而是在其他地方。我第一次和藏人互动是1989年在云南，那时地图上的云南不是藏地，但那里有喇嘛。后来我在中国青海，那里也见到喇嘛；在印度的锡金有藏传佛教；在蒙古也有藏地元素。史密森尼亚洲艺术博物馆里还有一个藏地主题展室，大家可以自己去体验。

我们在政治地图上观察边界内的事物，但你也会思考：资源是如何传播的？思想和精神是如何传播的？

现在，我们有请Donald Lu大使给我们做一个更正式的介绍。谢谢。

【正式介绍】Donald Lu大使（前美国国务院外交官）

尊敬的司政边巴次仁、Giordano教授，亲爱的朋友和同事们：

当我为今晚做准备的时候，我读了司政的传记。虽然之前有幸几次见到您，但这是我第一次仔细阅读您的传记，我发现了一些有趣的事情：您和我是同年大学毕业的。司政先生，我只能说您看起来真的年轻有活力。（司政笑答：我染了头发。）

他的经历和你们在座的年轻人有一些惊人的相似之处，让我解释一下。作为80年代的年轻大学生，边巴次仁在当时被称为马德拉斯（今钦奈 Chennai）的地方上学，那里在印度南部，非常温暖，就像今天这个教室一样。但那个时候，藏地正在发生非常可怕的镇压——有许多由僧侣和尼姑领导的示威游行，表达他们对大量汉族移民进入藏地的担忧，以及对北京日益加强的政治控制的不满。

当时这个年轻的学生加入了西藏自由运动，用他的声音为被镇压的藏人发声——就像你们今晚聚集在这里一样，试图了解并为那些受到威胁的人们发声，同时也为保护人权而发声。

这使得他后来在多个非政府组织工作——你们中很多人都在非政府组织实习和工作过。边巴次仁接着在智囊团工作，最后来到了流亡政府的藏人流亡议会。10年前，边巴次仁来到华盛顿，作为尊者派驻北美的代表，他既是藏人，也成为了华盛顿人，他学会了热爱这座城市。

我几个月前从国务院退休，有幸在西藏问题上工作了超过30年。有一件事一直让我印象深刻：美国两党都全力支持藏人行政中央以及尊者达赖喇嘛。我们现在看到的是，特朗普总统将继续坚持这一基于两党传统的长期立场。

举几个例子：2020年7月，特朗普总统给尊者达赖喇嘛写了一封具有历史性意义的信，祝贺他85岁生日并邀请他访问白宫；同年，边巴次仁的前任司政洛桑森格首次以司政身份到访白宫；2020年12月，特朗普总统签署了历史性的《西藏政策和支持法案》——该法案要求美国政府只承认由藏传佛教团体决定的宗教领袖选择，包括下一任达赖喇嘛，并授权对干涉该过程的中国官员实施制裁，正式承认藏人行政中央及司政为藏人侨民的合法代表。

今天我们非常荣幸能听到他的演讲。他的旅程开始于大学时代捍卫人权的活动，就像你们今晚聚集在这里一样。请和我一起欢迎司政边巴次仁讲话。

【主讲演讲】司政边巴次仁（藏人行政中央行政长官）

很高兴再次见到唐纳德。他曾是国务院的助理国务卿，负责尼泊尔和西藏问题。大约两年前，我们和西藏问题特别协调员阿兹拉·泽赫拉、唐纳德，以及埃里克·加西提大使在德里会见了尊者达赖喇嘛，进行了一次重要的谈话。

感谢Mark教授，我请他做我们藏人关于水问题的顾问。我们有很多人力和财政资源的短缺，所以我们需要像Mark这样的专家来帮助我们。所以我们在乔治城大学又发现了一个新的资源。

首先分享一些好消息。我们已经和美国国会合作很久了，我总是说我们正在收获尊者辛勤劳动所结出的果实。尊者工作了这么多年，现在我们继承他的事业并发扬光大。在过去的几天里，拨款法案已经通过，尽管期间有一些惊心动魄的时刻——去年所有的外国援助都被削减，西藏基金也被削减。在过去一年里，我们与国务院和议会密切合作，正如唐纳德所说，我们有两党两院的共同支持。新拨款中约有1300万将用于藏人。

我们前天注意到西藏问题特别协调员已被任命，即使没有公开宣布——国务院组织了西藏新年庆祝活动，邀请来自莱利·巴恩斯，他就是被任命的西藏问题特别协调员，我们认为他从三天前开始正式履职。

还有一个好消息：尊者将赢得格莱美奖。这对大家来说是个惊喜，因为尊者不唱歌，也不特别关注音乐——但他赢得了格莱美奖！此外还有一部电影《幸福的智慧》，是根据对尊者的采访制作的，现在理查德·基尔正在四处宣传这部电影，它已经在一些国家商业发行。

在新的拨款法案中，有一个新的说法，大意是：为了法案的目的，藏人行政中央将被视为西藏流亡政府。这是我们在美国倡导工作中向前迈出的一步。我们正在与众多议员沟通，看看是否可以对此立法，以确定藏人行政中央的合法性，并很可能正式承认西藏流亡政府。

藏地的历史与地源政治

几个世纪以来，藏地一直是一个独立的国家，直到1950年共产主义中国入侵藏地。中国占领藏地已经快75年了，我们被迫流亡也已经快66年了。

藏地在1950年10月被中国强行占领，到了1951年，我们被迫签署所谓的十七点协议。在此协议下，尊者达赖喇嘛试图在藏地再多待几年，然而中国践踏了协议的所有约定。1959年，达赖喇嘛及8万5千名追随者先后逃往印度。在流亡的一年后，1960年，尊者在非常困难的情况下引入了民主。

要了解藏地历史，你也必须先了解藏地地理。藏地高原是地球上最高、最大的高原，从地层构造的转换中出现，位于印度板块与欧亚板块之间。藏地出现于5000万年前，地质学家说藏地喜马拉雅山每年增长10毫米，因为地层构造的变化仍在持续，这也是为什么整个地区都是地震带。

全藏地理全貌：南有喜马拉雅山，西有喀喇昆仑山，北有昆仑山（CTA DIIR 1992）

我们称自己为被绵延雪山包围的土地——南部有喜马拉雅山，西部有喀喇昆仑山，北边有昆仑山和唐古拉山。藏地的平均海拔约4800米，被称为世界屋脊。今天中国环境科学家称藏地为第三极，因为藏地拥有世界最多的冰川和永冻层，滋养了亚洲所有的主要河流，所以藏地也被称为亚洲的水塔。

天堂居所：被绵延雪山环绕的土地

中国的黄河和长江是进入中国的主要河流生命线，如果没有这两条河流，中国将无法养活14亿人口。还有湄公河进入东南亚五国，萨尔温江和伊洛瓦底江流入缅甸，雅鲁藏布江在印度称为布拉马普特拉河。中国正在布拉马普特拉河大拐弯处建设一个超级巨型水坝，其发电量将是三峡大坝的2.8倍。这将摧毁那个地区独特的文化以及动植物群，已成为中印之间重大的地缘政治问题。

亚洲水塔：发源于藏地的各大河流及其流经国家

青藏高原地质形成：
5000万年前由印度板块与欧亚板块碰撞形成，每年仍上升10毫米

藏地一直是中印之间的缓冲带，历史上从未有过印度和中国的共同边界，也从未有过印度和中国之间的战争——直到1950年中国占领藏地之后，印度和中国才在1962年爆发了第一次战争。印度政府至今仍称其为印藏边境而非中印边境，印藏边防警察的名称也没有改变——这是印度在西藏问题上的原则立场。

藏地河流间接为约20亿人（约占世界人口四分之一）提供水资源

藏地文化与语言

藏地有大约2200年的广泛接受的历史，最近在藏地发现了可以追溯到十多万年前的人类居住证据。7世纪至9世纪之间，藏地成为中亚的一个大帝国，我们甚至短暂占领了中国的首都，领土延伸至今天乌兹别克斯坦的撒马尔罕。

世界屋脊：藏地的平均海拔4880米，面积250万平方公里

公元7世纪，我们发明了藏文。藏语源自印度梵文，与中文毫无关联——这两种语言完全不同。当印度佛教大师来藏地传教时，他们鼓励藏人用自己的语言翻译佛经。从8世纪到13世纪的500年间，在佛教几乎从印度消失之前，我们音译了所有可找到的梵语和巴利语佛经，将其译成藏文。今天，如果你想全面地研究佛教，藏语是世界上唯一可用的语言，甚至超过了印度语言本身。

去年12月14日，我们向国会图书馆捐赠了223本藏文词典，这说明了藏语本身的重要性。藏地面积约250万平方公里，几乎是日本面积的18倍，拥有305种不同的方言。高原上还有大量的锂、铜等资源。

图博与蒙古、中国的历史关系

13世纪时，藏地与蒙古人发展了关系——不是在成吉思汗时期，而是在其后。那时吐蕃王朝已经解体，藏人向蒙古人投降，但蒙古人并没有杀死藏人。反而藏人把蒙古人变成了佛教徒——所以今天所有的蒙古人都是佛教徒。这是一种神父与教友的关系，而不是现代民族国家定义中的从属关系。几十年后，忽必烈在1271年入侵了中国。

这里有一个重要的区别：我们和蒙古人有关系，但和中国皇帝没有关系。蒙古人从1271年到1368年统治中国，并不是中国汉人统治者。真正的汉族中国人——明朝——从1368年统治到1644年。那个时期我们和明朝没有太多政治关系，只有一些喇嘛互相拜访和交换头衔。

藏中统治者年代对照表：藏地各政权与中国历代王朝并非从属关系（来源：史密森尼学会）

随后满族（清朝）入主中原。在满族时期，满清对藏地有一些影响，尤其是18世纪——1720年他们进入藏地，不是为了入侵，而是为了帮助藏人对抗尼泊尔人，护送第七世达赖喇嘛从安多回到拉萨。满清最强盛是在1735年到1795年间，之后清朝自身也出现了问题。

清朝之后，民族主义者接管，开始把「藏地是中国的一部分」的叙事纳入国家话语，共产党继续沿用，于是有了「藏地自古以来就是中国的一部分」的说法。但中国政府本身也不知道「古代」指的是什么时候。

我这次来是为了推介一本新书——一位中国教授写的书。他大学时被教导藏地自古以来就是中国的一部分，后来他注意到中国共产党要求其他政府说藏地是中华人民共和国的一部分，这引起了他的好奇：如果藏地自古以来就是中国的一部分，为什么还需要另行要求别国承认？于是他开始研究，从明朝和清朝的历史档案中寻找证据，全部来自1949年之前印刷的中国官方文献。他的结论是：历史文献中没有任何证据支持藏地自古以来就是中国一部分的说法。中文版于2019年出版，至今中国政府无法对这一研究作出回应。

中间道路政策与当前形势

我们从1959年到大约1973年争取西藏独立，但当时刚从藏地流亡出来，没有一个政府支持我们。后来，尊者提出了「中间道路」政策——这是佛教的中道概念（Madhyamaka）。尊者的兄长当年去北京会见邓小平，邓小平说「我们可以讨论独立以外的任何事情」。我们以此为基础，在80年代初向藏地派遣了实况调查团，探索与中国谈判的可能性。

1987年，尊者第一次提出了五点和平建议：将藏地变成和平区、非军事化、无核化、保护藏地环境、进行谈判。中国没有给出正面回应。但尊者回来告诉藏人：你们必须决定未来的行动方针。通过公众舆论，藏人选择坚持尊者的立场，藏地流亡议会也一致通过了中间道路政策，寻求非暴力的、对中藏两国人民都有利的互利解决方案。

从2000年到2010年，有某种形式的中藏对话，尊者任命了特使，共进行了大约九轮会谈，但本质上是中国的缓兵之计，最终停止。在我任职期间，确实有秘密渠道，但目前没有实质性进展。习近平执政以来，前景不乐观。

2024年7月，拜登总统签署了《西藏问题解决促进法》。中国总是说「没有西藏问题」，西藏是「社会主义天堂」，那么为什么不允许人们自己去看呢？这项法律说：西藏争端尚未解决，需要根据国际法解决，它还提到了藏人的自决权，并明确指出，美国政府不接受中国关于「藏地自古以来是中国一部分」的错误历史叙事——这是第一次有政府正式反击中国的这一说法。

关于达赖喇嘛的转世问题：中国政府最关心的不是活着的达赖喇嘛，而是下一任，因为他们知道如果能控制第十六世达赖喇嘛，就能控制虔诚的藏人。他们在等待现任的达赖喇嘛去世。 2007年，他们通过了所谓的（国家宗教事务局）第五号令，规定中国政府负责最终授权喇嘛转世。而尊者的回答非常简单：我将出生在一个自由的世界，如果到那时藏地和中国都还不自由，达赖喇嘛不会在那里重生。尊者还说，如果中国政府真的认真对待轮回，应该先学习藏传佛教，也许先找到毛泽东的转世。中国政府的第二个立场是，按照传统，转世要通过金瓶掣签，一种原本是清朝这个一定程度上的佛教王朝，1793年为了帮助藏人对抗尼泊尔人时引入的。乾隆皇帝以完善西藏行政为理由，制定了《二十九条章程》，要求以“金瓶掣签”认定达赖喇嘛、班禅喇嘛和其他呼图克图的转世。但在些之前的八世达赖喇嘛都是完全按照传统方式选的，没有中国的任何干预。

他们最后在十一世班禅喇嘛转世时，滥用了所谓的“金瓶掣签”，1995年尊者达赖喇嘛挑选了一个六岁的小男孩子，认定他是班禅喇嘛后，中国政府绑架了他和他的家人，甚至是寻访团的僧人们，我们至今都不知道他们在哪里，不知道他是否还活着，他现在应该36 37了。中国政府用“金瓶掣签”的方式选出了他们制定的小男孩，通过在签底部加高的方式操作了选出来的结果。有一本书是讲这个选举操控的，书的作者是那次“金瓶掣签”的见证人，一位高僧（阿嘉仁波切）他就住在华盛顿DC。中国政府盗用了所谓“金瓶掣签”的概念。

第三点是，中国政府不相信任何宗教，是一个无神论的政党。尊者机智又幽默的回答，如果中国政府真的是认真的，应该开始学藏传佛教，了解轮回是什么，转世是藏传佛教独特的东西，可以追溯到900多年前，他的第一世就开始了的。要不然可以先去找找毛泽东的转世，邓小平的转世，啊现在江泽民也都死了，所以那个之后再考虑达赖喇嘛吧！

而且中国人看起来也很喜欢被崇拜的感觉，他们强迫藏人寺院挂着他们领导人的照片，从毛泽东到邓小平，到江泽民和习近平，还把名字打成藏语的。

我希望我给他们一个我的国家 图伯特Tibet 的概况介绍，以及我们如何与美国政府合作， 我们现在的处境是：藏地几个世纪以来一直是独立国家，1950年被占领。我们一直是中间道路的坚定支持者，我们也非常幸运，也许很多的政客你们不一定会喜欢，但是——当共和党和民主党人在许多议题上无法对话时，谈到藏地，他们总能站在一起支持我们。在加拿大也是一样，进步党保守党都是支持我们的。在印度也是一样的，所有的党派都是支持我们的，我们称之为图伯特全党议会支持小组。我们总是在尽可能的团结所有人，当有了新的领导人后，我们就得想办法去联系他们。

感谢唐纳德·Lu大使，他几乎以个人身份在西藏问题上工作了将近30年，并一直和我们密切合作。我们的西藏办事处的现任代表早先在乔治城演讲，也是应唐纳德的邀请来的。真的非常感谢大家的时间和关注，抱歉，我可以这样说上好几个小时。

问答环节

【主持人】

好，我们现在开始问答。西藏在世界许多地方都是一个情绪化的问题，包括在美国，所以请大家互相尊重，也尊重我们的嘉宾。我会在房间里走动。

【提问者一】

您提到的「解放」叙事引起了我的兴趣。中国的常见说法是：中国入侵藏地，把藏人从农奴制中解放出来。您怎么看这个叙事？

【司政边巴次仁】

中国总是用冠冕堂皇的话来掩盖自己的罪行。关于所谓的「农奴制」，我希望刘教授在这里做这方面的研究——他在中国文件中发现，从来没有关于藏地奴隶制度的记录，但他却发现了中国的奴隶制的记录，还有满洲和蒙古的奴隶制的记录。这就是历史档案所证明的。

当中国说「藏地是奴隶制和农奴制」，他们说得好像我们处于中世纪欧洲那样。事实并非如此。我们确实有一些庄园主以及与此相关的农民，某种程度上的农奴制，但远不像中世纪欧洲，甚至不像当时的中国那么糟糕。

谁在解放谁，从谁手中解放？我们从未要求中国来解放我们，解放我们也不是他们的工作。「解放」只是「占领」的另一个名称。这是中国政府试图用来美化侵略的故事——说他们把藏人从奴隶制中解放出来，这不是事实。

【提问者二】

非常感谢您今天的演讲。考虑到藏地对中华人民共和国的战略重要性，他们几乎不可能放弃对藏地的控制。您的中间道路方法，现实的愿景是什么？

【司政边巴次仁】

这正是为什么尊者达赖喇嘛提出中间道路而不是独立——如果藏地仍然是中国的一部分，中国就必须与我们达成协议，关于我们如何使用我们的自然资源和一切。尊者并不是要求独立，这一点必须让中国人民知道。

中国政府一直称达赖喇嘛为「分裂主义者」、「分离主义者」，但尊者并不是要求独立。中国政府没有把这一事实告诉中国人民——否则，有2.5亿到3亿中国佛教徒会给藏人更多的支持。许多中国人来藏地旅游，了解藏传佛教，他们生活在精神真空中，他们仰望藏地。

我们谈论的是互利的解决方案：因为中国在经济上发展，我们可以从中国的经济发展中受益；中国人可以从藏人那里获得精神上的滋养；而藏地的环境保护对中国人也非常重要。我们藏人和中国人在这些方面是一致的。只是中国领导人缺乏解决这一问题的智慧。

【提问者三】

总统先生，感谢您的光临。我想问：您有没有与尊者达赖喇嘛产生过分歧？您是如何处理这种分歧的？

【司政边巴次仁】

确实有相当数量的年轻藏人持不同意见，寻求完全独立。这是可以理解的——我年轻的时候也寻求西藏独立。但当你了解了全球政治、地缘政治和一切，你也就理解了我们的局限。

每当尊者说什么，他总是在做出决定之前经过多次深思熟虑。每次尊者说什么，我们都必须仔细考虑、分析，然后同意或不同意。但我总是倾向于赞同尊者，因为他是世界上最通情达理的人。他一直在寻求的是每个人的平静与幸福，不只是藏人的。

【追问者】

您认为中国方面是否担心：尊者达赖喇嘛百年之后，中间道路的理念会随之消逝，年轻人可能会走向寻求独立的路线？

【司政边巴次仁】

我们希望尊者能长命百岁。但这正是为什么我们现在采取的策略是在这个时间点聚焦藏地历史——我们可能会重新打开许多扇窗。

我们正在计划研究中国的不同情境：中国会发生什么，在各种外部力量和场景下，藏人面临的挑战和机遇是什么？这些是我们将继续做的事情——除非中国领导层有点解决这一问题的智慧。

综合编辑 校对 GD 翻译 Wilson

感谢Hoyas in Human Right 乔治城大学人权协会，Office of Tibet in DC 和所有让这次活动发生的人！

达兰萨拉——图伯特独立运动的真正斗士 拉桑·次仁于2026年6月11日在达兰萨拉逝世。他是一位诗人、作家，也是图伯特独立事业的坚定倡导者。世界各地的藏人，包括自由斗士、活动家和学者，都为这一巨大损失深表哀悼，并通过各种实际行动和文字，缅怀他为图伯特独立所做的贡献。

Read in English

2026年6月11日，藏人自由斗士 拉桑·次仁 在印度北部的 达兰萨拉逝世。达兰萨拉是藏人行政中央总部所在地，同时也是达赖喇嘛尊者的住所。他是一位诗人、作家和社会活动家，也是图博独立的坚定倡导者。他曾担任藏人青年大会（藏青会）主席，是位于达兰萨拉的阿尼玛卿学院的创始院长，并曾担任《图伯特评论》（Tibet review）的编辑。

直到生命的最后一刻，他仍在呼吁回到他的祖国图伯特。世界各地的藏人，包括自由斗士、活动家和学者，都为这一巨大损失深表哀悼，并通过实际行动和文字向他为图伯特独立所进行的斗争致以敬意。

2026年6月15日凌晨4点，图伯特独立运动家拉桑·次仁的遗体在达兰萨拉火化。达兰萨拉地区的藏人哀悼这一重大损失，并缅怀他为藏民族的自由而奋斗以及为流亡藏人所做的贡献。

藏人行政中央安全部于 2026 年 4 月 27 日举办了“图伯特自由斗士大会”，拉桑·次仁长者因其对图伯特事业的重大贡献而被授予“图伯特自由斗士勋章”。

拉桑·次仁1952年出生于图伯特西部阿里地区，后随父母和两位兄长一同逃往印度。1962年，他进入穆索里藏人中央学校学习。1972年，他获得机会前往美国约翰·霍普金斯大学医学院深造，但他放弃了这个机会，决定加入驻扎在尼泊尔木斯塘的藏人抵抗武装部队。

他于1972年加入图伯特抵抗武装部队。然而，1974年木斯塘大本营关闭，两年后他不得不返回达兰萨拉。他曾在图伯特政策研究分析办公室工作过一段时间。之后，他加入达兰萨拉的TCV藏人儿童村（Tibet Children Village），并在杰尊·白玛主任的带领下，将小学扩建为中学。1976年至1982年期间，他担任藏人儿童村总校的校长。

1983 年 3 月，在达赖喇嘛尊者的建议下，拉桑·次仁加入了流亡政府新闻办公室。他创建了纳塘印刷厂，并建造了现在的纳塘大楼，该大楼现在是藏人行政中央信息与国际关系部 (DIIR) 的所在地。

1986年，他当选为藏人青年大会主席。在他担任藏人青年大会主席期间，当拉萨在1988年底和1989年3月爆发了声势浩大的争取图伯特独立的政治抗议活动，他在新德里和印度其他地区组织了和平抗议和绝食活动。

他还广泛游历了印度各地，并前往美国、加拿大、欧洲、泰国和澳大利亚。1978年至1979年间，他曾在日本生活一年。1980年，他还在境内藏区旅行了约三个月。1979年至1980年，他访问了图伯特，亲眼目睹了藏人在中国统治下所面临的现实压迫。这段经历深深地触动了他，也更加坚定了他毕生致力于图伯特事业的决心。

1988年6月15日，拉桑成为首位公开反对达赖喇嘛尊者“中间道路”政策的藏人。他反对该政策主张不再继续争取独立，而是仅通过和平谈判寻求“中华人民共和国境内的藏区真正自治”。1989年，拉桑再次当选藏人青年大会主席。但由于反对“中间道路”政策而引发种种困难，他于1990年底辞职。

1992年，他作为创始人之一与扎西次仁、班马奔和 嘉央诺布 共同创立了阿尼玛卿学院（图伯特高级研究学院），旨在在传统藏族社会中推广国际化和世俗文化。从1992年到1999年，他放下个人事务，全职在阿尼玛卿学院担任志愿者。在此期间，他协助学院进行筹款、行政管理、翻译和编辑工作。他于1999年辞职。

他在上达兰萨拉创办了第一家书店，名为“书虫”。他还创作书籍、文章和诗歌。他的第一本著作是2003年出版的《明日及其他诗歌》。2009年，他出版了第二本著作《旋律之海》，这是对第六世达赖喇嘛诗歌的译作。2012年，他出版了第三本著作《坚持》。他的著名诗歌包括《我不愿让图伯特消亡》、《国家、民族、自由》、《图伯特需要你》、《渴望》、《等待》和《自由的馈赠》。

以下是诗歌 《我不愿图伯特消亡》：

拉桑·次仁

我不愿图伯特消亡，

我不愿图伯特消失，

我不愿图伯特被摧毁——

不，我不愿图伯特消亡。

我不愿图伯特被中国占领，

我不愿我的孩子被称为中国人，

我不愿我的孩子变成中国人——

不，我不愿图伯特消亡。

近日，包括自由斗士、活动家、学者在内的众多藏人以及藏人组织纷纷举行祈祷仪式，悼念这位伟大的逝者，并向他为争取图伯特自由而进行的无畏斗争致敬。加拿大多康四水六岗协会 写道：“加拿大多康四水六岗协会 怀着沉痛的心情，与世界各地的藏人一起，悼念拉桑·次仁——这位爱国者、自由斗士、作家、诗人，也是图伯特最无畏、最坚定的声音之一。”

该非政府组织表示：“他说话坦诚、坚定、勇敢，即使在困难的情况下也是如此。他的话语唤醒了人们的心灵，增强了人们的决心，并激励了无数藏人继续为自由和正义而奋斗。”

“作为多康四水六岗协会的成员，我们对他毕生对图伯特抵抗运动的尊重和支持深表感激。他深刻理解那些勇敢的男女为保卫图伯特所做出的牺牲，并孜孜不倦地努力确保他们的故事和贡献永不被遗忘。愿我们不仅用言语缅怀他，更以我们对他毕生珍视的事业的持续投入来纪念他。他的精神遗产将激励一代又一代的藏人，他对图伯特的坚定奉献精神也将永世铭记。”该组织总结道。

藏人儿童村写道：“藏人儿童村全体成员怀着无比沉痛和崇高的敬意，悼念拉桑·次仁先生的逝世。拉桑·次仁先生曾是藏人儿童村的学生、教育工作者、领袖者、爱国者、作家、活动家，也是图伯特自由运动中最忠诚的倡导者之一。他于2026年6月11日逝世，留下了奉献、牺牲以及对藏民族自由事业坚定不移的承诺这一非凡遗产”。

原作者：丹增·拉珍 2026年6月15日

译者：Wilson 编辑：Ginger Duan

Original:

Tibet Post | Tibetan freedom activist dies; people mourn this great loss